#FreeAssange London – March against the extradition of Julian Assange to the US – #Ruptly VIDEO 22 Feb. 2020

with Roger Waters, John Shipton, Brian Eno, Viv Westwood, and many more…

LIVE: Assange supporters and public figures hold march in London ahead of extradition hearing

 Ruptly  22 Feb. 2020
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Maurice Kirk: South Wales Police Further Corruption – 21 Feb. 2020 + archive

South Wales Police Further Corruption

A month ago my 10 year running 1CF03361′ Trading in Machine Guns’ civil claim was in yet another welsh judge with his speciality in avoiding an independent police enquiry of multi-million pound fraud by Dolmans solicitors, the proceeds of which are already earmarked for similarly corrupt senior police officers. The QC for the Chief Constable was a Mr Lloyd Williams QC while senior dolmans partners included Adrian Oliver and Melanie Stanley.

His Honour Judge Andrew Keizer QC, presiding, caused the audience from all around the UK.in the public gallery, some new understanding as to the level of unabated criminal conduct by both senior police officers and Dolmans.

The unfortunate video, below, filmed after a somewhat ‘liquid lunch’ in the Prince of Wales pub in Cardiff, after yet another hearing to deliberately delay ‘disclosure of facts’ and prevent exposure of the truth is , at least a warning to the new reader should he or she dare enter a welsh court and be expecting a ‘level playing field’. 

Maurice Kirk BAFTA performance Cardiff – 24 January 2020 – YouTube

The incriminating data of the police/Dolmans multimillion fraud, in order to hide their 50 odd failed malicious criminal prosecutions is currently snatched on police orders and remains in Parc prison Bridgend. Remember, concocted against me (BS614159 etc) to have me either shot and if that failed, sectioned for life in Ashworth’s high security psychiatric prison, is all in my 1st machine gun draft of ‘particulars of claim’, in May 2010, filed in court 10 years ago and will appear on this blog once I have mastered the technicalities

My Medical Records Police MAPPA Confiscated TO Hide Their Crime

South Wales Police Corruption

 

Dear Rebecca Pow,                                                                                   17th February 2020

South Wales Police fabricated criminal allegations including ‘Child Abuse, Firearms (Trading in Machine Guns) Narcotics, ABH and FTA (failing to attend courts) etc

I am grateful for your seeing me concerning the police denying my Taunton GP my medical records.

My recent blog extract, below, on the decades of suffering under ‘South Wales Police Corruption’, affecting so many, points to proof of rampant criminal conduct when accountable to no one:

Re-elected Taunton MP, Rebecca Pow, inadvertently caused my imprisonment in March 2019 for seven more months and only released due to the fortunate intervention by a clearly irate HM Parole Board member from London that had been lied to for two hours with my sister witnessing it all.

The Chief Constable of South Wales Police had not only allowed the fabrication of seriously damaging criminal convictions, to cause me hell in his police controlled Parc, Bridgend prison but had also ensured the list included ‘child abuse’, ‘firearms’, ‘ABH’, FTA and ‘narcotics’! Police convinced my parole officer that I had sent to Stoke St Mary village, Taunton, possibly deadly anthrax spores in a prison cell letter causing it to have the village cordoned off from the public!

Would this ongoing conspiracy have anything to do with the then Barbara Wilding’s emergency 2009 MAPPA level 3 Category 3  ‘Operation Chalice’  meeting in Barry police station on the 8th of June in order to register me amongst the top 5% most dangerous in the UK in order I may be shot?

When an armed police helicopter, with 20 odd officers, had raided our house in St Donats, while we were enjoying afternoon tea in the garden with the springer spaniels, why was I then NOT arrested?

Was this to do with my being set up to be ‘shot’ (see leaked MAPPA category 3 memos) or their failed attempt (Operation Dandelion) in snatching our 10 year old daughter, Genevieve, to forced council care? It was to try and stop my civil claims, BS614159 etc, following the police’s 50 failed malicious prosecutions often denying me liberty during those decades of deliberate persecution.

South Wales Police Corruption ‘Ups a Notch’

I am arrested at my Cardiff veterinary surgery for theft of my own motor bike and gaoled in Cardiff prison for 4 days.

Poloice concoct charges of being in possession og a ‘garrotte type instrument in the pannier (embriotomy wire used on cattle dehorning on HRH Prince Charles farm and from ‘assaulting PC Philips who had thought I was possibly an escaped psychiatric patient.

This wicked police interview was deliberately withheld from all my civl proceeding for compensation with the final presiding judge refusing disclosure of any of the substantivre trial court records as they covered over 50 failed malicious criminal prosecutions. This tape was leaked revealing the level of SWP routinde corruption for which they are k nown world wide.

Police interview  20th May1993

Would it have had anything to do with the police then transporting my decommissioned WW1 Battle of the Somme Lewis machine gun 2000 miles around the UK, contrary to s5 of the 1968 Firearms Act, had they not, first, unblocked the gun barrel and having her painted a different colour to fool the jury to secure a mandatory 10 year prison term for ‘trading in machine guns’?

Who out there on cyber space would like a copy of the official machine gun trial transcript for a view on the trial judge , PAUL THOMAS QC, to see how internal ‘taffy politics’ command my destiny?

[South Wales Police ref 1900195556 ‘alleged Heroin sent to Alun Cairns MP’] [I900180883 ‘alleged anthrax spores to Rebecca Pow MP]. To whom do I complain?

source: https://mauricejohnkirk.com/2020/02/11/successive-cardiff-judges-completely-ignore-this-basic-law/

 

The above posts from  https://www.mauricejohnkirk.com

 

Archive continues [from 2011]: https://www.butlincat.com/?s=maurice+kirk

Maurice’s site is https://www.mauricejohnkirk.com

Email:  maurice@kirkflyingvet.com

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#coronavirus: REAL? “I am a senior Chinese military intelligence officer and I know the truth about the coronavirus outbreak” + China: 760 million in lockdown..” 17 Feb. 2020

“I am a senior Chinese military intelligence officer and I know the truth about the coronavirus outbreak. It is far worse than the media are telling you.

I am a Chinese citizen in Wuhan who occupies — or perhaps occupied — a high-ranking position in military intelligence. I am also a member of the Chinese Communist Party. As a senior official near the top of the Party, I have access to a great deal of classified information and I have been involved in many top secret government projects. I have a doctorate from a leading university in a western country, which is why I am able to write my account in English.

I have information that I believe could lead to the overthrow of my government. It is also relevant to billions of people outside of China, all of whom are now in existential peril.
It will not surprise you to hear that if my identity were to be revealed, my life would be in grave danger, as would those of my wife and son. I ask you to respect the fact that I have stripped out of this account all facts that would make it easy to identify me.
By now you will be familiar with the recent outbreak of 2019-nCoV, also known as NCP, or simply “coronavirus”. You will have heard that it originated in Wuhan, an industrial city in China, and that it came from an animal — most likely a bat or a pangolin — that was sold in a wild animal market. You will have been told that it is an influenza-like illness that can in severe cases cause pneumonia, respiratory failure and death. Finally, you may have heard that although the disease is highly infectious, it is dangerous only to the elderly or to those who have a compromised immune system. The official lethality rate is approximately 2% or so.
All of that is a bunch of lies concocted by the Chinese state with the tacit support of the U.S. deep state and its friends in the European Union, Russia and Australia, and spread by the docile media in all of those countries.
Let me start by telling you that the world does not operate the way you think it does. Although countries like the US and China vie for global dominance, that competition is restricted to certain limited areas. In most ways, the two countries are more interested in cooperation so that they can stop other competing countries from gaining more power. They also have a shared interest in keeping real power out of the hands of their “ordinary” citizens. To this end, they have many different mechanisms by which they control the overwhelming majority of their media outlets. The Americans in particular have perfected the art of creating made-up “divisions” between their two main parties which are designed to hide the fact that both serve the same masters.
These same nations also posses technology that is far more advanced than you can imagine and which is kept carefully hidden from public view. This includes advanced artificial intelligence capable of undermining and deciding any election in the world; biological and chemical agents that can manipulate and control the thinking patterns and behaviours of citizens to terrifying degrees; highly sophisticated manipulation techniques using hypnotic practices entirely unknown to the public; and other things that I will not go into now. My point is that the great nations do not compete so much as work together. Their principal goal is to shield the true workings of the world from the “uninitiated” public.
Just to give you one example, there aren’t actually any nuclear weapons anywhere in the world. The U.S. and the Soviet Union scrapped them all in the 1970s, as did their client states. Everyone realised that those weapons could not be used without destroying the whole world, so there was no need for them; but by pretending that they still had them, the big players were able to keep the non-nuclear powers in line.
Let me return to the virus.
Last year, large-scale anti-government protests erupted in Hong Kong. The Standing Committee of the Chinese Communist Party considered these to be a grave threat to the integrity and stability of the motherland. The U.S. government and the EU both knew that the Chinese were secretly working on a biological agent that was supposed to make the protesters docile and obedient. Without going into detail, I worked on that project. We tried to develop a sort of spray that could be dispersed from helicopters or drones and that would lead to mental retardation and behavioural change.
Naturally, as Hong Kong is one of the most open and international cities in the world, the Party decided that it was too risky to release the agent in Hong Kong without first testing it. For this, it needed a great number of human guinea pigs. Two groups were identified for this.
First, we rounded up a large number of so-called “islamic radicals” in Xinjiang Province and took them to what we called “training camps“. We had already been using these camps for human experimentation for several years, but the Hong Kong protests meant that we redoubled our efforts. We exposed the inmates to various “alpha” experimental agents. As these were odourless and invisible, the subjects were not aware that they were taking part in medical trials. The resulting high rates of cancer, premature dementia, suicidal depression and death by organ failure could easily be suppressed, as the camps are located in very remote parts of our motherland.
Once the initial experiments had yielded a “beta” agent, it was transported to Hubei Province, where it was deployed in a special military testing facility outside the city of Wuhan. This was not even a particularly well-kept secret: the existence of this facility has been reported in international news. Even the fact that it is located close to the wild animal market is a known fact.
By then our President had already introduced a “social credit” system that allowed us to identify disloyal, counter-revolutionary and bourgeois elements in our society. Using the social credit scores — which are taken from online activity, electronic shopping behaviour and reports from informers in civil society — we selected some of the worst offenders. These included human rights lawyers and activists, Christians, homosexuals, artists, intellectuals, people who speak foreign languages, and other undesirables.
Once these troublemakers had been collected and placed in the testing facility, we exposed them to the Agent, which is biochemical in nature and spread in an invisible aerosol, akin to certain viruses. Initial results were encouraging, as we saw significant cognitive decline and reduction in higher mental processing facilities. Essentially, our undesirables were becoming mildly mentally disabled, which is precisely the effect we wanted to produce in order to pacify the restive population of Hong Kong.
Unfortunately, it quickly became apparent that the Agent also had other effects. About one week after the retardation set in, our subjects developed major anxiety and panic attacks. Eventually they developed symptoms akin to those of paranoid schizophrenics. At that point, their bodies rapidly deteriorated. They developed massive internal bleeding; the walls of their arteries dissolved; they bled out of their eyes and orifices, and their tissue disintegrated.
To put it in a more direct Western manner, they started to melt.
Death usually occurred through multiple organ failure. This was preceded by at least five days of severe agony which could not be alleviated by painkillers. It was at this time that I first violated our protocol: one subject, an elderly lady who had published defamatory cartoons of our President, begged me for death with such insistence that I took pity and shot her. I was reprimanded, but fortunately the complaint was dropped when I agreed to reimburse the cost of the bullet. I swore to myself never again to show such unnecessary emotion.
We decided that our Agent was unusable. It was far too destructive for our purposes. We wanted the population of Hong Kong to submit to us; we did not want to exterminate it.
Naturally, our American friends had by then taken an interest in our work and asked us for a sample for their own research and testing purposes. They hinted that they wished to use it to resolve certain difficulties in Venezuela. Normally we would have agreed, as we maintain friendly relations with the CIA, but given the extremely toxic nature of the Agent, we declined.
This, as it turned out, was a grave mistake. The CIA was convinced that we had developed something very powerful and wanted to keep it to ourselves. They offered a great deal of money to one of our researchers. Foolishly, he agreed to sell them a specimen. We found out just in time for the handover and tried to stop it from happening. In the ensuing shoot-out — don’t bother to look for it in the news, it was never reported anywhere — several dozen people were killed.
More importantly, however, the Agent escaped.
The shoot-out took place at the wild animal market which has been reported as the location of the “animal to human” transmission that started the outbreak. But of course there was no such transmission; it was just the location where the CIA was supposed to receive the sealed vial containing the Agent. The vial shattered when it was dropped by the traitor who had agreed to sell it to the Americans.
By now I understand you will be sceptical. If I really am who I say I am, why would I be sharing this information on the internet? Let me assure you that I am no friend of the Western system of governance. I love my motherland and I am loyal to the Communist Party. It has lifted hundreds of millions of my compatriots out of squalor and poverty. However, I am also a human being and I have a conscience.
Most importantly, I have a wife and a son.
Once we realised that the Agent had escaped and would start to spread, we swiftly put all of Wuhan into lockdown. I was one of those tasked to manage the fallout of the contamination. Of course we could not keep such a huge undertaking secret, so we decided to order our state media to report that a “coronavirus” had broken out in Wuhan.
In reality, of course, there is no “coronavirus”. It was all made up.
It was one of my colleagues who came up with the genius idea of pretending that people with the common flu suffered from the coronavirus. This allowed us to hide the true nature of the disease. Let me explain.
It is currently flu season in China. When we realised that we could no longer control the spread of the Agent, we sent our men to all the hospitals and instructed all doctors to diagnose every case of the common flu as “coronavirus”. We came up with a new name — 2019-nCoV — and handed out “factsheets” that described a made-up illness.
The result of this decision was that tens of thousands of individuals who were simply suffering from a cold or flu were now diagnosed as having a mysterious coronavirus that, although infectious, was not often lethal. While this frightened the public, it allowed us to push the narrative that the disease was not that deadly; it also gave us time to prepare for the catastrophe that was sure to come by imposing a lockdown on Wuhan and other cities in Hubei Province.
You have not heard this in the news — and given the size of Wuhan, with its population of 11 million, it is not known even to many of the residents — but within days thousands upon thousands were infected and before long they suffered the agonising deaths that I have already described. Within a week, there were so many corpses that we did not know what to do with them, so we ordered the surviving social credit prisoners to drive the bodies into the countryside and bury them in mass graves. But it was very difficult to keep this activity secret, and we could not even keep up as there were so many corpses. We planted a story that five million residents had “fled” Wuhan. In reality, of course, many of those people had died from the Agent.
I was working around the clock helping to orchestrate this cover-up. When I think back to my actions now, I feel great shame. At the time I still believed that I was fighting for my motherland and that the rule of the Party was right and just. But deep down, I had already begun to have doubts.
My faith in the Party was shaken even more deeply when I learnt what had happened to Dr Li Wenliang. He was one of the few doctors who refused falsely to diagnose flu patients with the “coronavirus”. As a punishment, he was sent to help transport dead bodies to mass graves. The expectation was that he would be infected with the Agent and die an agonising death, but to our great surprise, he did not contract the illness.
You have of course read that he died of “coronavirus”. You have been misinformed. A sergeant of the People’s Armed Police injected him with a mixture of heroin and mercury that caused his lungs to deflate.
When I found out about this I became unsure whether or not I was doing the right thing. While I believe that it is appropriate for a government to rule with a severe hand, I do not think that it was right to kill Dr Li. He was a compassionate and kind man and he cared about his patients; how can our motherland not benefit from having such a doctor?
I shared my concerns with my wife, but she convinced me that I should not say anything to my superiors. She said that it was too dangerous; that they valued loyalty above everything else; and that I would only find trouble if I admitted to my doubts about their practices. She also pointed out that we benefited from priority medical treatment. As senior officials, we received regular supplies of the highly-sophisticated hazmat masks that are the only known technology that can prevent infection. She implored me to think of our son, who is still small. If I spoke out and were caught, our lives would be at risk.
Around the same time, it became clear that the Agent was entirely beyond our control. It was spreading like wildfire throughout Hubei Province and beyond, infecting tens of millions and causing them all to die.
I understand that what I just said is difficult to believe, because you have been told that there have been only about 50,000 infections, and far fewer deaths. But these are the influenza infections that have been falsely passed off as the non-existent “coronavirus”. The Agent is far, far more contagious than that, and its fatality rate, unlike the “coronavirus”, is not 2%.
No, its fatality rate is 100%. Nobody recovers from it. Everybody who contracts it dies.
And a lot of people are contracting it.
Hubei Province lies in ruins. The various travel restrictions and lockdowns that have been imposed were not created to stop the spread of the Agent — none of them can stop it, not embargoes, not face masks or hand sanitiser — but to stop the survivors from seeing the catastrophe with their own eyes.
I am part of the greatest cover-up in human history: the hiding of the deaths of tens of millions. Very soon, Hubei Province will be no more than a giant mortuary, and the truth will come out.
For me, the turning point came when the Party told yet another lie, and that lie was too dreadful even for me to accept. You may have heard that China built a new hospital, called Huoshenshan Hospital, in Wuhan, in order to provide additional quarantine and isolation facilities for infected patients. You may have heard that they built it in only ten days.
That too is a lie.
Sure, they did build something in six days. But it was not a hospital. The true nature of the building was top secret. Initially, I was naive enough to believe that the Party was demonstrating its compassion and care for the people. But then my superiors sent me to Huoshenshan. I was shown around the installation by a military police officer called Corporal Meng (this is not his real name). It was there that I saw the truth.
As I have mentioned, the only way to protect oneself from the Agent is by wearing a special protective mask that is entirely unlike those available commercially. Even medical professionals do not have access to it. It is available only to biomedical warfare researchers and it contains extremely advanced technology.
These masks need to be kept at a particular temperature to offer full protection, and lose their effectiveness very quickly. As I have also already said, one of the benefits of my position was that both my family and I had access to regular supplies, which is why were safe when compared to civilians, doctors and even lower-level government officials, all of whom wore utterly ineffective surgical masks in the misguided belief that they would protect them.
And so, wearing this special equipment, I went to Huoshenshan with Corporal Meng.
Whatever you want to call that place, it is not a hospital. Sure, the entrance looks like a hospital and in the ward at the front of the complex, there are what appear to be normal medical beds. There, thousands of infected patients lie, all of them in the early stages of the disease. I walked along those long, white corridors next to Corporal Meng, his angular face dispassionate in his military fatigues, and saw hundreds upon hundreds of identical hospital beds on which squirmed the terrified and diseased inhabitants of Wuhan. Their cries and pleas haunt me in the long nights in which I now am unable to sleep.
But this was merely the beginning. Eventually the Corporal took me to the rear of this front section. There, locked metal gates led to what he called the “middle section”. The patients in the front are unaware of its existence. It is there that the more advanced cases are kept, in what most closely resembles a mental asylum.
Immediately upon entering this part of Huoshenshan I was struck by the dim lighting and stench of vomit and human waste. Here the unfortunates roamed freely, their minds gradually disintegrating in endless panic attacks and psychotic episodes. Here too there were no more doctors, merely gorilla-faced men in black uniforms who belonged to some secret branch of the military police I had never heard of.
They appeared to have been selected for their cruelty, for they beat and degraded the patients in the most sadistic manner. Many of the inmates had regressed to childlike states and lay on the floor weeping like infants and begging for compassion that they did not receive. There was cruel pleasure in the eyes of these thugs as they brutalised the unfortunates. They beat them with batons, sprayed pepper spray into their eyes and kicked them with their steel-capped boots. As I was from military intelligence, the guards did not even attempt to hide their activities. They even invited me to join; in every way, they treated me as one of them.
Yes, one of them. I stood in the grey staff bathroom of Huoshenshan and looked into a cheap mirror and asked myself — is this really what you are? Are you really like them?
But the violence was not merely an expression of sadism, for the poor inmates were not there to be cared for.
They were there to work.
There was one more set of doors, and beyond them lay what the Corporal called the “Core”. And it was there that I saw it — piles and piles of dead bodies, stacked on top of one another all the way to the ceiling. There were men, women and children, elderlies and toddlers, rich and poor, beautiful and misshapen, proud and humble.
They were all of them dead. Our Agent made no distinction between any of them.
I gasped when the Corporal led me to the Core. I cannot count how many there were, but it was many, many thousands. And in the midst of the piles of corpses was a kind of path, and I heard a roaring sound in the distance. The miserable patients from the middle section picked up the dead and carried and dragged them away into the dark, even as the guards beat them with truncheons.
It took me a little while before I grasped what was happening. I simply could not believe what lay at the end of that path in the Core.
It was an enormous furnace, with great fires roaring within.
One by one, their minds destroyed and their bodies twisted, the dying men and women carried the corpses to the furnace and cast them inside in a doomed attempt to hide the dreadful truth. I saw several of them collapse from exhaustion only for their lifeless bodies to be added to the mountains of corpses on both sides. In a seemingly endless line they went, their emaciated bodies clad in grey overalls, their backs bent under the weight of their dreadful cargo. Many howled and groaned in terror and their voices joined in a sorrowful cacophony that lingered over the roar of the fires.
In deep shock, I stared at the boundless horror before me. Beside me stood Corporal Meng, his freshly-shaved face as emotionless as before. When I turned to face him, he looked at me. His mouth smiled, but his eyes did not.
“We use the energy to operate Huoshenshan,” he said. “We save the state considerable resources in this way. And look,” — he waved at the gallery of the dead — “there are so many of them here. You could almost describe it as renewable energy.” He laughed and waved his hand in a strangely camp gesture.
I stood speechless and stared at the infernal scenes before me. Men in black uniforms screamed like daemons at the wretches who were disposing of the corpses for them. They stripped the dead of anything that had value — jewellery, cash, expensive clothing — and tossed these items onto an enormous pile next to the furnace. When I asked the Corporal what would be done with the items, they said that they would be used to pay for the “healthcare expenses” incurred by the patients’ stay in Huoshenshan.
I vomited in the toilet. When I flushed and came out of the stall, Corporal Meng stood by the door and looked at me. His face was as blank as before, but in his eyes I thought I registered a very faint trace of contempt. You are ten years my senior, the look said, but you are soft.
I thanked him for his service and went home.
When I arrived, I saw that I had received hundreds of updates on the encrypted device the Party uses to communicate to insiders. The news were unimaginably grim. The State Legal and Economic Commission had allocated funds for the construction of dozens of facilities like Huoshenshan all throughout China. The Agent had spread not only to every single province of the motherland, but to most other nations in the world. Fortunately, we had agreements in place with other governments — they agreed to pretend that the infections were due to a coronavirus. They were just as worried as we were that a panic might break out in their countries. The Americans in particular were terrified that the S&P 500 might decline. This, they said, would be unacceptable in an election year, so we could count on their full support.
Of course the World Health Organisation also helped us. For a long time, the only issue with the WHO has been that we have been locked in a contest with the Americans about who bribes them more. They released all sorts of sophisticated misinformation about having decoded the DNA of the so-called coronavirus. All this has allowed us to stave off a global panic.
For now.
Yet the situation was worsening with astonishing speed. I am reluctant to reveal too much on this point, as it would make it too easy for my enemies to identify me, but we quickly began to implement measures to protect our most senior leaders. If you look at the world news, you will see that Xi Jinping, our President, disappeared for approximately one week after the outbreak, before being seen again with the leader of Cambodia.
You should know that the person who met the Cambodian leader was not President Xi. It was a body double who had, for many years, been trained to look and sound just like our President. President Xi is of course not careless enough to risk his own death. He is safely ensconced in a secret bunker underneath Zhongnanhai, the headquarters of the Party in Beijing.
Nor was he the only leader who is in hiding. In fact, I can assure you that over half of all senior Party members are currently being imitated by trained actors who are following instructions given to them via special implants. Do you really think that our Prime Minister would risk his life by going to Wuhan?
All of this means that our government has become utterly paralysed and the functions of the state have been taken over by the military.
It became clear to me that our efforts were pointless. Yes, the lockdowns, travel bans and targeted assassinations of rebellious journalists allowed us to hide the true situation in Wuhan; but I knew that this would not last. Once the mass deaths begin in the rest of the world — in our estimation, this should happen within the next week or so — everyone will know the truth. It will become clear that we cannot protect ourselves from the Agent. Surgical masks, hand sanitiser, gloves — nothing can stop it. Nothing except the special hazmat masks, but those cannot be produced in anything like sufficient quantities. You, an ordinary person, will never even receive one, let alone a sufficient number to see you through the coming holocaust.
For those of you reading this, therefore, all I can suggest is that you keep your loved ones close to you. Hug them, tell them what they mean to you. Enjoy the time you have left with them. It is not typical in Chinese culture to express one’s feelings in this way, but I have learnt the importance of such gestures.
I promised my wife that I would show this document to her before I posted it.
Yet I broke my word.
I hear her weep in loud, hoarse sobs in the bedroom, and the keyboard of my laptop is wet with my own tears. Not long ago, we received results of the regular tests that are part of our “priority medical treatment”, and we learnt that my son had been infected with the Agent.
The military police that has supplied me with the special protective mask had been giving expired and ineffective masks to my son, masks that senior officials had already worn and then discarded when they ceased to protect them. My own masks, on the other hand, had always been of the necessary quality.
I suppose they decided that my son was of lower priority than me. I suppose my son could not help them with their cover-up.
We had long ago decided that we would be different — we would be honest with him, always. And so when he asked us, we told him the truth. We told him that he was very sick. He asked more, and we told him he would not get better.
He continued asking, and we told him that he would die. He is very small, but he was old enough to understand.
His terrified wails will haunt me for the rest of my miserable days in this world.
Let them come. Let them do with me as they will. I no longer care.

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Thanks to Mike Morales for the heads-up in his essential video here:

16 DAY FORECAST DAYTONA RACE HIT BY RAIN MOD #WEATHER WARFARE LIVE !!

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related:

760 million now in residential lockdown (China)

Paul Mozur 孟建国

@paulmozur

To stop the spread of the coronavirus much of China has effectively shut down. What’s not been fully appreciated is how extensive the closures are. By our calculations 760 million are living under some kind of residential lockdown. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/15/business/china-coronavirus-lockdown.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share 

Volunteers disinfecting a housing complex in Taizhou, a city in China’s Zhejiang Province that has had many coronavirus infections.

To Tame Coronavirus, Mao-Style Social Control Blankets China

Despite their high-tech tools, the authorities are mainly relying on a flood of workers to keep hundreds of millions of people from coming in contact with outsiders.

nytimes.com

4,345 people are talking about this

Paul Mozur 孟建国

@paulmozur

To stop the spread of the coronavirus much of China has effectively shut down. What’s not been fully appreciated is how extensive the closures are. By our calculations 760 million are living under some kind of residential lockdown. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/15/business/china-coronavirus-lockdown.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share 

Volunteers disinfecting a housing complex in Taizhou, a city in China’s Zhejiang Province that has had many coronavirus infections.

To Tame Coronavirus, Mao-Style Social Control Blankets China

Despite their high-tech tools, the authorities are mainly relying on a flood of workers to keep hundreds of millions of people from coming in contact with outsiders.

nytimes.com

Paul Mozur 孟建国

@paulmozur

It’s one of the largest social control experiments ever anywhere, even in China. To do it, Beijing is relying on local party officials, police, and busybodies known as grid workers. They’ve effectively closed down many cities to outsiders. This is a station at a closed city: Yiwu

Embedded video

511 people are talking about this

Paul Mozur 孟建国

@paulmozur

It’s one of the largest social control experiments ever anywhere, even in China. To do it, Beijing is relying on local party officials, police, and busybodies known as grid workers. They’ve effectively closed down many cities to outsiders. This is a station at a closed city: Yiwu

Embedded video

Paul Mozur 孟建国

@paulmozur

There are blocks of all kinds. Some cities don’t let anyone in who doesn’t have a fixed address. Some force outsiders into 14 day quarantines. Building complexes have checkpoints. Some don’t allow guests. Others limit how often people can leave with makeshift passes like below.

View image on Twitter
200 people are talking about this

Paul Mozur 孟建国

@paulmozur

There are blocks of all kinds. Some cities don’t let anyone in who doesn’t have a fixed address. Some force outsiders into 14 day quarantines. Building complexes have checkpoints. Some don’t allow guests. Others limit how often people can leave with makeshift passes like below.

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Paul Mozur 孟建国

@paulmozur

Likely more than 100 mln people are being limited to how often they can leave their apartment. Rules can be random, enforcement arbitrary. That’s what happens when you have so many grassroots communist party types enforcing rules. At a village level, many have set up barricades.

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286 people are talking about this

www.confirmationbias.io/?p=20198

You do know that is 1/2 the population.

Their government is not capable of doing this……many live way out in rural areas very hard to reach…..no government assistance get out their….so how can they even begin to lock it down.

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**DEMO CALL OUT** 📣 support Kate Wilson in her crucial human rights case (IPT) against the police – THURS 27th FEBRUARY – ROYAL COURTS OF JUSTICE – THE STRAND 9.30 – 10.30 a.m.

Police Spies Out of Lives

Support group for legal action against undercover policing
ABOUT
OUR STORIES
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HUMAN RIGHTS CLAIMS

KATE WILSON’S HUMAN RIGHTS CASE
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This is one of the most important current spycops court cases currently being fought. It is a Human Rights case that could result in the laws around relationships by undercover police being changed. Kate Wilson who is bringing the case was deceived into a long-term, intimate relationship with an undercover police officer, Mark Kennedy (MK). She is now taking a case to the Investigatory Power’s Tribunal (IPT), claiming that the police violated her Human Rights under Articles 3, 8, 10, 11 and 14 of the European Convention of Human Rights. Further explanations of the IPT and the RIPA laws governing HRA claims is here.

The case has not yet come to trial. The police initially unsuccessfully applied for many parts of her claim to be struck out. In their subsequent written defence, the Metropolitan Police have already made significant admissions, including admitting abuse of Articles 3, 8, 10 & 11 of the European Court of Human Rights, and that Mark Kennedy’s managers knew about the relationship. However, there is still much still to fight for. They argue against many of her important contentions including the examining how far up the command chain knowledge of this abuse went.

To understand more about what the police have admitted, and what they are contesting go here.

Kate was one of eight women to have won a historic apology from the Metropolitan Police over their relationships with undercover police. If successful, this HRA case will finally give clarity that sexual relationships between undercover officers and members of the public under any circumstances are unlawful. Kate’s claim also questions the legitimacy of such political policing in a democratic society, and the legality of the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (RIPA) that is used to authorise such operations.

Key dates:
January 2016, the police withdrew their defence against Kate Wilson asking for the judgment to be entered against them in respect of the claims for deceit, assault/battery, misfeasance in public office and negligence.

June 2017: Police seek to avoid accountability in human rights case about abusive relationships by undercover officers

September 2018: Police admit managers supported serious human rights abuses, but try to obstruct court from learning more
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ABUSE OF HUMAN RIGHTS
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Undercover officers having intimate and sexual relationships with members of public they are targeting is an abuse of their human rights. It is degrading treatment, that interferes with their private and family life, and their rights to freedom of expression and association. Another serious issue is the abuse of the human rights of the friends and families of targets, which is considered by police to be ‘collateral intrusion’ (see below), and which perversely seems to appears to require less rigorous tests to authorise than intrusion into the lives of “suspects”

“I acknowledge that these relationships were a violation of the women’s human rights, an abuse of police power and caused significant trauma.” – Assistant Commissioner Martin Hewitt, the Metropolitan Police.
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TAKING THE POLICE TO COURT
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Alongside the people affected’s common law claims, some of the women are bringing claims under the Human Rights Act. Although all of the people affected had their human rights breached by what happened, only some of them are able to make claims under UK law. This is because the European Convention on Human Rights wasn’t incorporated into UK law until 2000, when the Human Rights Act was introduced. So only the people whose lives were disrupted after 2000 are able to bring claims under that law.

The law that oversees undercover officers is The Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000 (RIPA). Unfortunately, anything authorised under RIPA, can only be challenged in the usually very secret court – the Investigatory Powers Tribunal. When this court gives its judgement, it does not have to give any reasoning. The fact the RIPA could authorise these relationships was challenged by the eight women case, but unfortunately the challenge was lost.
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EUROPEAN CONVENTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
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This is an international treaty to protect human rights and fundamental freedoms in Europe. It was incorporated into UK law by the Human Rights Act 1998. It’s first 18 articles spell out people’s main rights and freedoms.

An important point to remember: while the European Convention hadn’t been incorporated into UK law until 2000, the UK has been a signatory to it since 1950. The people whose lives were abused before 2000 still had those legal rights, it’s just that UK courts won’t hear claims based on events before that date. Claims can be taken to the European Court, but not until all other UK remedies – right up to the supreme court – have been exhausted.
Article 3 prohibits “inhuman or degrading treatment”

“It turns your life upside down. Everything that you thought you knew suddenly becomes unreal; everything changes. You do not know who you can trust any more. It destroys everything.” Helen Steel

“I have experienced the psychological damage that these operations can cause. It is deep and it is long lasting, and I think that the intrusiveness and the psychological violence that is inherent in these tactics, and not just the sexual relationships, but the intimacy, the abuse of trust, which is completely inherent to any undercover policing operation could be seriously underestimated by anyone who has not been subjected to that tactic.” Kate Wilson

Article 3 is an absolute human right – it is not possible to authorise someone to violate Article 3 under any circumstances.

In their apology, the Police admitted the relationships were a “gross violation of personal dignity and integrity,” and said officers “preyed on the women’s good nature and had manipulated their emotions to a gratuitous extent.”

These relationships caused serious long-term harm and psychological trauma to the victims and others close to them. This, and the nature of the deception involved, mean they were a violations of Article 3. If this is upheld in court, a change in the law around the authorisation of intimate relationships by undercover officers might be forced.

“What happened to us has been akin to psychological torture” ‘Lisa’

Article 8 provides a right to respect for one’s “private and family life.

“I have been abused in by an undercover police officer who was sent into my life, into my home, into my parents’ home, and into my bed by the Metropolitan Police.” Kate Wilson

“I met him when I was 29, and he disappeared about three months before I was 35. It was the time when I wanted to have children” ‘Alison’

Intimate and sexual relationships by undercover officers concealing their real identity from the other person/s in the relationship/s represent a clear violation of the right to respect for private and family life. These relationships involved intrusion into people’s families, with some officers attending family funerals, and helping women through the grieving process. In their Apology, the Met Police admitted it was a “gross violation” of the women’s privacy.
Article 10 provides the right to freedom of expression, & Article 11 protects the right to freedom of assembly and association.

“There is probably more damage and violence that happens on a regular basis on a Friday night in town centres when people get drunk, but there is not a proposal to infiltrate every pub in the country on the off-chance that you are going to be able to prevent violence and damage. This is about political policing and trying to interfere with what is actually a recognised right to freedom of association and freedom of expression.” Helen Steel

“It has had a massive impact on my political activity…I suspected within about a month of his disappearance, and after about 18 months of different searches I came to believe it… I withdrew from political activity.” Alison

“I have been the subject of systematic surveillance and violations of my intimacy, my right to privacy, and my bodily integrity, for at least the last 18 years by police forces that are cooperating across European borders. Put simply it is a story of human rights abuse and persecution by secret political police because of my beliefs and political activities…..” Kate Wilson

Women have been targeted because of their participation in social justice campaigns. Intimate and sexual relationships have been used as a tactic to infiltrate campaigning and political organisatons. These relationships resulted in real psychological harm, violating the right to freedom of expression, and the right to freedom of assembly and association.

Any “like-minded activist” was considered a valid target for infiltration, and further authorisation was not sought for their inclusion into the operation, regardless of their relevance to any investigation. This approach is clearly interferes with the right to freedom of expression, and the right to freedom of assembly and association.

Article 14 contains a prohibition of discrimination including that based on sex, with respect to rights under the convention.

Undercover officers having sexual relationships with female activists plainly has a discriminatory effect on women being able to exercise their human rights under Articles 3, 8, 10 and 11.

“This highlights the sexist mind-set that thought that it was acceptable for the police to abuse women, and derail our lives in order to shore up the fake identities of these undercover policemen so they could undermine political movements and campaign groups.” Helen Steel

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Qualified Human rights
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Article 8, 10, 11, & 14 rights are qualified rights, but interference is permissible only if there is a legal basis; the interference is necessary in a democratic society; or the interference is proportionate to what is sought to be achieved by carrying it out.

There is nothing in law which states that if a police officer suspects an individual of involvement with a political movement, that officer is entitled to have a sexual relationship with the person to try to find out. Sexual and intimate relationships cannot be said to be necessary – there are a multitude of reasons why any individual might decline to become intimate with another person. Given the level of invasion of privacy and the serious psychological harm caused by such relationships they cannot be thought of as proportionate for getting information on political campaign groups.
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COLLATERAL INTRUSION & HUMAN RIGHTS
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“He is in my mother’s wedding photograph, and I and my current partner have to see him in that.” Alison

“There is no justification for somebody coming to my father’s funeral with me. There was no justification for putting an undercover cop into my family’s life.” ‘Lisa’

Intrusion into the lives of people associated with the targets of the undercover officers is termed by the police ‘Collateral Intrusion.’ Perversely, its authorisation appears to require less rigorous tests than intrusion into the lives of “suspects”

The depth of the intrusion into the claimants’ lives also meant a deep intrusion into the lives of family members and close friends. For example, undercover police officers “infiltrated” deeply emotional family gatherings such as funerals, weddings and birthday celebrations. The psychological harm inflicted, not only on the claimants, but on close members of our family (including infirm, elderly relatives) cannot be justified.

Collateral Intrusion is, it seems, a euphemism for violating the fundamental human rights of people who are not even the specific subjects of surveillance, without any real consideration of the psychological damage that such deep deceptions might cause. In the same way that it is not considered necessary and proportionate for undercover officers to form intimate sexual relationships, it is always wholly inappropriate for a police officer to insert themselves into extended families, in the way that being part of long-term relationships would necessitate.

Instead of being seen as ‘Collateral Intrusion’ that can be easily authorised, every individual whose Article 8 Human Rights may be breached by an operation should be afforded the respect of having the merits of that intrusion specifically considered and recorded, including the specific reasons why it is considered necessary and proportionate.
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source: https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/the-case-overview/legal-battles/two-different-kinds-of-law/human-rights-claims/

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Maurice Kirk: Denied medical records – please share – 16 Feb. 2020 + archiv

Denied medical records – please share

mauricekirk  15 Feb. 2020

Archive continues [from 2011]https://www.butlincat.com/?s=maurice+kirk

Maurice’s site is https://www.mauricejohnkirk.com

Email:  maurice@kirkflyingvet.com

 

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Hero NELSON MANDELA Forever Loved – released 30 years ago 11 Feb. 1990 after 27 yrs in prison VIDEO – Desertpeace – 12 Feb. 2020

NELSON MANDELA FOREVER LOVED

The anti-apartheid revolutionary was imprisoned for 27 years. 4 years after his release, he became South Africa’s first Black president.

This is the legacy of Nelson Mandela politicians don’t want to talk about:

Nelson Mandela

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Nelson Mandela
Nelson Mandela-2008.jpgMandela in Johannesburg in May 2008
1st President of South Africa
In office
10 May 1994 – 16 June 1999
Deputy Thabo Mbeki
F. W. de Klerk
Preceded by F. W. de Klerk (State President)
Succeeded by Thabo Mbeki
11th President of the
African National Congress
In office
7 July 1991 – 20 December 1997
Deputy Walter Sisulu
Thabo Mbeki
Preceded by Oliver Tambo
Succeeded by Thabo Mbeki
19th Secretary General of the
Non-Aligned Movement
In office
2 September 1998 – 16 June 1999
Preceded by Andrés Pastrana Arango
Succeeded by Thabo Mbeki
Personal details
Born
Rolihlahla Mandela

18 July 1918
Mvezo, Cape Province, South Africa

Died 5 December 2013 (aged 95)
Johannesburg, Gauteng, South Africa
Cause of death Respiratory infection
Resting place Mandela Graveyard
Qunu, Eastern Cape, South Africa
Political party African National Congress
Other political
affiliations
South African Communist Party
Spouse(s)
Children 6 (including MakgathoMakaziweZenani and Zindziswa)
Parents Nosekeni Fanny
Gadla Henry Mphakanyiswa
Alma mater
Occupation
  • Activist
  • Politician
  • Philanthropist
  • Lawyer
Known for Anti-Apartheid Movement
Awards
Notable work(s) Long Walk to Freedom
Website nelsonmandela.org
Nickname(s)
  • Madiba
  • Dalibunga

Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (/mænˈdɛlə/;[1] Xhosa: [xolíɬaɬa mandɛ̂ːla]; 18 July 1918 – 5 December 2013) was a South African anti-apartheid revolutionary, political leader, and philanthropist who served as President of South Africa from 1994 to 1999. He was the country’s first black head of state and the first elected in a fully representative democratic election. His government focused on dismantling the legacy of apartheid by tackling institutionalised racism and fostering racial reconciliation. Ideologically an African nationalist and socialist, he served as the president of the African National Congress (ANC) party from 1991 to 1997.

Xhosa, Mandela was born to the Thembu royal family in MvezoBritish South Africa. He studied law at the University of Fort Hare and the University of Witwatersrand before working as a lawyer in Johannesburg. There he became involved in anti-colonial and African nationalist politics, joining the ANC in 1943 and co-founding its Youth League in 1944. After the National Party‘s white-only government established apartheid, a system of racial segregation that privileged whites, he and the ANC committed themselves to its overthrow. Mandela was appointed President of the ANC’s Transvaal branch, rising to prominence for his involvement in the 1952 Defiance Campaign and the 1955 Congress of the People. He was repeatedly arrested for seditious activities and was unsuccessfully prosecuted in the 1956 Treason Trial. Influenced by Marxism, he secretly joined the banned South African Communist Party (SACP). Although initially committed to non-violent protest, in association with the SACP he co-founded the militant Umkhonto we Sizwe in 1961 and led a sabotage campaign against the government. He was arrested and imprisoned in 1962, and subsequently sentenced to life imprisonment for conspiring to overthrow the state following the Rivonia Trial.

Mandela served 27 years in prison, split between Robben IslandPollsmoor Prison, and Victor Verster Prison. Amid growing domestic and international pressure, and with fears of a racial civil war, President F. W. de Klerk released him in 1990. Mandela and de Klerk led efforts to negotiate an end to apartheid, which resulted in the 1994 multiracial general election in which Mandela led the ANC to victory and became president. Leading a broad coalition government which promulgated a new constitution, Mandela emphasised reconciliation between the country’s racial groups and created the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate past human rights abuses. Economically, Mandela’s administration retained its predecessor’s liberal framework despite his own socialist beliefs, also introducing measures to encourage land reformcombat poverty, and expand healthcare services. Internationally, he acted as mediator in the Pan Am Flight 103 bombing trial and served as Secretary-General of the Non-Aligned Movement from 1998 to 1999. He declined a second presidential term, and in 1999 was succeeded by his deputy, Thabo Mbeki. Mandela became an elder statesman and focused on combating poverty and HIV/AIDS through the charitable Nelson Mandela Foundation.

Mandela was a controversial figure for much of his life. Although critics on the right denounced him as a communist terrorist and those on the far-left deemed him too eager to negotiate and reconcile with apartheid’s supporters, he gained international acclaim for his activism. Widely regarded as an icon of democracy and social justice, he received more than 250 honours—including the Nobel Peace Prize—and became the subject of a cult of personality. He is held in deep respect within South Africa, where he is often referred to by his Xhosa clan name, Madiba, and described as the “Father of the Nation“.

Early life

Childhood: 1918–1934

Mandela was born on 18 July 1918 in the village of Mvezo in Umtata, then part of South Africa’s Cape Province.[2] Given the forename Rolihlahla,[3] a Xhosa term colloquially meaning “troublemaker”,[4] in later years he became known by his clan name, Madiba.[5] His patrilineal great-grandfather, Ngubengcuka, was king of the Thembu people in the Transkeian Territories of South Africa’s modern Eastern Cape province.[6] One of Ngubengcuka’s sons, named Mandela, was Nelson’s grandfather and the source of his surname.[7] Because Mandela was the king’s child by a wife of the Ixhiba clan, a so-called “Left-Hand House”, the descendants of his cadet branch of the royal family were morganatic, ineligible to inherit the throne but recognised as hereditary royal councillors.[8]

Nelson Mandela’s father, Gadla Henry Mphakanyiswa Mandela (1880–1928), was a local chief and councillor to the monarch; he was appointed to the position in 1915, after his predecessor was accused of corruption by a governing white magistrate.[9] In 1926, Gadla was also sacked for corruption, but Nelson was told that his father had lost his job for standing up to the magistrate’s unreasonable demands.[10] A devotee of the god Qamata,[11] Gadla was a polygamist with four wives, four sons and nine daughters, who lived in different villages. Nelson’s mother was Gadla’s third wife, Nosekeni Fanny, daughter of Nkedama of the Right Hand House and a member of the amaMpemvu clan of the Xhosa.[12]

No one in my family had ever attended school … On the first day of school my teacher, Miss Mdingane, gave each of us an English name. This was the custom among Africans in those days and was undoubtedly due to the British bias of our education. That day, Miss Mdingane told me that my new name was Nelson. Why this particular name I have no idea.

—Mandela, 1994[13]

Mandela later stated that his early life was dominated by traditional Thembu custom and taboo.[14] He grew up with two sisters in his mother’s kraal in the village of Qunu, where he tended herds as a cattle-boy and spent much time outside with other boys.[15] Both his parents were illiterate, but being a devout Christian, his mother sent him to a local Methodist school when he was about seven. Baptised a Methodist, Mandela was given the English forename of “Nelson” by his teacher.[16] When Mandela was about nine, his father came to stay at Qunu, where he died of an undiagnosed ailment which Mandela believed to be lung disease.[17] Feeling “cut adrift”, he later said that he inherited his father’s “proud rebelliousness” and “stubborn sense of fairness”.[18]

Mandela’s mother took him to the “Great Place” palace at Mqhekezweni, where he was entrusted to the guardianship of the Thembu regent, Chief Jongintaba Dalindyebo. Although he did not see his mother again for many years, Mandela felt that Jongintaba and his wife Noengland treated him as their own child, raising him alongside their son, Justice, and daughter, Nomafu.[19] As Mandela attended church services every Sunday with his guardians, Christianity became a significant part of his life.[20] He attended a Methodist mission school located next to the palace, where he studied English, Xhosa, history and geography.[21] He developed a love of African history, listening to the tales told by elderly visitors to the palace, and was influenced by the anti-imperialist rhetoric of a visiting chief, Joyi.[22] At the time he nevertheless considered the European colonialists not as oppressors but as benefactors who had brought education and other benefits to southern Africa.[23] Aged 16, he, Justice and several other boys travelled to Tyhalarha to undergo the ulwaluko circumcision ritual that symbolically marked their transition from boys to men; afterwards he was given the name Dalibunga.[24]

Clarkebury, Healdtown, and Fort Hare: 1934–1940

Photograph of Mandela, taken in Umtata in 1937

Intending to gain skills needed to become a privy councillor for the Thembu royal house, in 1933 Mandela began his secondary education at Clarkebury Methodist High School in Engcobo, a Western-style institution that was the largest school for black Africans in Thembuland.[25] Made to socialise with other students on an equal basis, he claimed that he lost his “stuck up” attitude, becoming best friends with a girl for the first time; he began playing sports and developed his lifelong love of gardening.[26] He completed his Junior Certificate in two years,[27] and in 1937 moved to Healdtown, the Methodist college in Fort Beaufort attended by most Thembu royalty, including Justice.[28] The headmaster emphasised the superiority of English culture and government, but Mandela became increasingly interested in native African culture, making his first non-Xhosa friend, a speaker of Sotho, and coming under the influence of one of his favourite teachers, a Xhosa who broke taboo by marrying a Sotho.[29] Mandela spent much of his spare time at Healdtown as a long-distance runner and boxer, and in his second year he became a prefect.[30]

With Jongintaba’s backing, in 1939 Mandela began work on a BA degree at the University of Fort Hare, an elite black institution in Alice, Eastern Cape, with around 150 students. There he studied English, anthropology, politics, native administration, and Roman Dutch law in his first year, desiring to become an interpreter or clerk in the Native Affairs Department.[31] Mandela stayed in the Wesley House dormitory, befriending his own kinsman, K. D. Matanzima, as well as Oliver Tambo, who became a close friend and comrade for decades to come.[32] He took up ballroom dancing,[33] performed in a drama society play about Abraham Lincoln,[34] and gave Bible classes in the local community as part of the Student Christian Association.[35] Although he had friends connected to the African National Congress (ANC) who wanted South Africa to be independent of the British Empire, Mandela avoided any involvement with the anti-imperialist movement,[36] and became a vocal supporter of the British war effort when the Second World War broke out.[37] He helped to found a first-year students’ house committee which challenged the dominance of the second-years,[38] and at the end of his first year became involved in a Students’ Representative Council (SRC) boycott against the quality of food, for which he was suspended from the university; he never returned to complete his degree.[39]

Arriving in Johannesburg: 1941–1943

Returning to Mqhekezweni in December 1940, Mandela found that Jongintaba had arranged marriages for him and Justice; dismayed, they fled to Johannesburg via Queenstown, arriving in April 1941.[40] Mandela found work as a night watchman at Crown Mines, his “first sight of South African capitalism in action”, but was fired when the induna (headman) discovered that he was a runaway.[41] He stayed with a cousin in George Goch Township, who introduced Mandela to realtor and ANC activist Walter Sisulu. The latter secured Mandela a job as an articled clerk at the law firm of Witkin, Sidelsky and Eidelman, a company run by Lazar Sidelsky, a liberal Jew sympathetic to the ANC’s cause.[42] At the firm, Mandela befriended Gaur Radebe—a Xhosa member of the ANC and Communist Party—and Nat Bregman, a Jewish communist who became his first white friend.[43] Mandela attended Communist Party gatherings, where he was impressed that EuropeansAfricansIndians, and Coloureds mixed as equals. He later stated that he did not join the Party because its atheism conflicted with his Christian faith, and because he saw the South African struggle as being racially based rather than as class warfare.[44] To continue his higher education, Mandela signed up to a University of South Africa correspondence course, working on his bachelor’s degree at night.[45]

Earning a small wage, Mandela rented a room in the house of the Xhoma family in the Alexandra township; despite being rife with poverty, crime and pollution, Alexandra always remained a special place for him.[46] Although embarrassed by his poverty, he briefly dated a Swazi woman before unsuccessfully courting his landlord’s daughter.[47] To save money and be closer to downtown Johannesburg, Mandela moved into the compound of the Witwatersrand Native Labour Association, living among miners of various tribes; as the compound was visited by various chiefs, he once met the Queen Regent of Basutoland.[48] In late 1941, Jongintaba visited Johannesburg—there forgiving Mandela for running away—before returning to Thembuland, where he died in the winter of 1942. Mandela and Justice arrived a day late for the funeral.[49] After he passed his BA exams in early 1943, Mandela returned to Johannesburg to follow a political path as a lawyer rather than become a privy councillor in Thembuland.[50] He later stated that he experienced no epiphany, but that he “simply found [himself] doing so, and could not do otherwise.”[51]

Revolutionary activity

Law studies and the ANC Youth League: 1943–1949

Mandela began studying law at the University of the Witwatersrand, where he was the only black African student and faced racism. There, he befriended liberal and communist European, Jewish, and Indian students, among them Joe Slovo and Ruth First.[52] Becoming increasingly politicised, in August 1943 Mandela marched in support of a successful bus boycott to reverse fare rises.[53] Joining the ANC, he was increasingly influenced by Sisulu, spending time with other activists at Sisulu’s Orlando house, including his old friend Oliver Tambo.[54] In 1943, Mandela met Anton Lembede, an ANC member affiliated with the “Africanist” branch of African nationalism, which was virulently opposed to a racially united front against colonialism and imperialism or to an alliance with the communists.[55] Despite his friendships with non-blacks and communists, Mandela embraced Lembede’s views, believing that black Africans should be entirely independent in their struggle for political self-determination.[56] Deciding on the need for a youth wing to mass-mobilise Africans in opposition to their subjugation, Mandela was among a delegation that approached ANC President Alfred Bitini Xuma on the subject at his home in Sophiatown; the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) was founded on Easter Sunday 1944 in the Bantu Men’s Social Centre, with Lembede as President and Mandela as a member of its executive committee.[57]

Mandela and Evelyn in July 1944, at Walter and Albertina Sisulu’s wedding party in the Bantu Men’s Social Centre.[58]

At Sisulu’s house, Mandela met Evelyn Mase, a trainee nurse and ANC activist from EngcoboTranskei. Entering a relationship and marrying in October 1944, they initially lived with her relatives until moving into a rented house in the township of Orlando in early 1946.[59] Their first child, Madiba “Thembi” Thembekile, was born in February 1945; a daughter, Makaziwe, was born in 1947 but died of meningitis nine months later.[60] Mandela enjoyed home life, welcoming his mother and his sister, Leabie, to stay with him.[61] In early 1947, his three years of articles ended at Witkin, Sidelsky and Eidelman, and he decided to become a full-time student, subsisting on loans from the Bantu Welfare Trust.[62]

In July 1947, Mandela rushed Lembede, who was ill, to hospital, where he died; he was succeeded as ANCYL president by the more moderate Peter Mda, who agreed to co-operate with communists and non-blacks, appointing Mandela ANCYL secretary.[63] Mandela disagreed with Mda’s approach, and in December 1947 supported an unsuccessful measure to expel communists from the ANCYL, considering their ideology un-African.[64] In 1947, Mandela was elected to the executive committee of the ANC’s Transvaal Province branch, serving under regional president C. S. Ramohanoe. When Ramohanoe acted against the wishes of the committee by co-operating with Indians and communists, Mandela was one of those who forced his resignation.[65]

In the South African general election in 1948, in which only whites were permitted to vote, the Afrikaner-dominated Herenigde Nasionale Party under Daniel François Malan took power, soon uniting with the Afrikaner Party to form the National Party. Openly racialist, the party codified and expanded racial segregation with new apartheid legislation.[66] Gaining increasing influence in the ANC, Mandela and his party cadre allies began advocating direct action against apartheid, such as boycotts and strikes, influenced by the tactics already employed by South Africa’s Indian community. Xuma did not support these measures and was removed from the presidency in a vote of no confidence, replaced by James Moroka and a more militant executive committee containing Sisulu, Mda, Tambo, and Godfrey Pitje.[67] Mandela later related that he and his colleagues had “guided the ANC to a more radical and revolutionary path.”[68] Having devoted his time to politics, Mandela failed his final year at Witwatersrand three times; he was ultimately denied his degree in December 1949.[69]

Defiance Campaign and Transvaal ANC Presidency: 1950–1954

The ANC’s tricolour flag; black for the people, green for the land, and gold for the resources of Africa[70]

Mandela took Xuma’s place on the ANC national executive in March 1950,[71] and that same year was elected national president of the ANCYL.[72] In March, the Defend Free Speech Convention was held in Johannesburg, bringing together African, Indian, and communist activists to call a May Day general strike in protest against apartheid and white minority rule. Mandela opposed the strike because it was multi-racial and not ANC-led, but a majority of black workers took part, resulting in increased police repression and the introduction of the Suppression of Communism Act, 1950, affecting the actions of all protest groups.[73] At the ANC national conference of December 1951, he continued arguing against a racially united front, but was outvoted.[74]

Thereafter, Mandela rejected Lembede’s Africanism and embraced the idea of a multi-racial front against apartheid.[75] Influenced by friends like Moses Kotane and by the Soviet Union‘s support for wars of national liberation, his mistrust of communism broke down and he began reading literature by Karl MarxVladimir Lenin, and Mao Zedong, eventually embracing the Marxist philosophy of dialectical materialism.[76] Commenting on communism, he later stated that he “found [himself] strongly drawn to the idea of a classless society which, to [his] mind, was similar to traditional African culture where life was shared and communal.”[77] In April 1952, Mandela began work at the H.M. Basner law firm, which was owned by a communist,[78] although his increasing commitment to work and activism meant he spent less time with his family.[79]

In 1952, the ANC began preparation for a joint Defiance Campaign against apartheid with Indian and communist groups, founding a National Voluntary Board to recruit volunteers. The campaign was designed to follow the path of nonviolent resistance influenced by Mahatma Gandhi; some supported this for ethical reasons, but Mandela instead considered it pragmatic.[80] At a Durban rally on 22 June, Mandela addressed an assembled crowd of 10,000, initiating the campaign protests, for which he was arrested and briefly interned in Marshall Square prison.[81] These events established Mandela as one of the best-known black political figures in South Africa.[82] With further protests, the ANC’s membership grew from 20,000 to 100,000; the government responded with mass arrests and introduced the Public Safety Act, 1953 to permit martial law.[83] In May, authorities banned Transvaal ANC President J. B. Marks from making public appearances; unable to maintain his position, he recommended Mandela as his successor. Although Africanists opposed his candidacy, Mandela was elected regional president in October.[84]

Mandela’s former home in the Johannesburg township of Soweto

In July 1952, Mandela was arrested under the Suppression of Communism Act and stood trial as one of the 21 accused—among them Moroka, Sisulu, and Yusuf Dadoo—in Johannesburg. Found guilty of “statutory communism”, a term that the government used to describe most opposition to apartheid, their sentence of nine months’ hard labour was suspended for two years.[85] In December, Mandela was given a six-month ban from attending meetings or talking to more than one individual at a time, making his Transvaal ANC presidency impractical, and during this period the Defiance Campaign petered out.[86] In September 1953, Andrew Kunene read out Mandela’s “No Easy Walk to Freedom” speech at a Transvaal ANC meeting; the title was taken from a quote by Indian independence leader Jawaharlal Nehru, a seminal influence on Mandela’s thought. The speech laid out a contingency plan for a scenario in which the ANC was banned. This Mandela Plan, or M-Plan, involved dividing the organisation into a cell structure with a more centralised leadership.[87]

Mandela obtained work as an attorney for the firm Terblanche and Briggish, before moving to the liberal-run Helman and Michel, passing qualification exams to become a full-fledged attorney.[88] In August 1953, Mandela and Tambo opened their own law firm, Mandela and Tambo, operating in downtown Johannesburg. The only African-run law firm in the country, it was popular with aggrieved blacks, often dealing with cases of police brutality. Disliked by the authorities, the firm was forced to relocate to a remote location after their office permit was removed under the Group Areas Act; as a result, their clientele dwindled.[89] As a lawyer of aristocratic heritage, Mandela was part of Johannesburg’s elite black middle-class, and accorded much respect from the black community.[90] Although a second daughter, Makaziwe Phumia, was born in May 1954, Mandela’s relationship with Evelyn became strained, and she accused him of adultery. He may have had affairs with ANC member Lillian Ngoyi and secretary Ruth Mompati; various individuals close to Mandela in this period have stated that the latter bore him a child.[91] Disgusted by her son’s behaviour, Nosekeni returned to Transkei, while Evelyn embraced the Jehovah’s Witnesses and rejected Mandela’s preoccupation with politics.[92]

Congress of the People and the Treason Trial: 1955–1961

We, the people of South Africa, declare for all our country and the world to know:
That South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of the people.

—Opening words of the Freedom Charter[93]

After taking part in the unsuccessful protest to prevent the forced relocation of all black people from the Sophiatown suburb of Johannesburg in February 1955, Mandela concluded that violent action would prove necessary to end apartheid and white minority rule.[94] On his advice, Sisulu requested weaponry from the People’s Republic of China, which was denied. Although the Chinese government supported the anti-apartheid struggle, they believed the movement insufficiently prepared for guerrilla warfare.[95] With the involvement of the South African Indian Congress, the Coloured People’s Congress, the South African Congress of Trade Unions and the Congress of Democrats, the ANC planned a Congress of the People, calling on all South Africans to send in proposals for a post-apartheid era. Based on the responses, a Freedom Charter was drafted by Rusty Bernstein, calling for the creation of a democratic, non-racialist state with the nationalisation of major industry. The charter was adopted at a June 1955 conference in Kliptown; 3,000 delegates attended the event, which was forcibly closed down by police.[96] The tenets of the Freedom Charter remained important for Mandela, and in 1956 he described it as “an inspiration to the people of South Africa”.[97]

Following the end of a second ban in September 1955, Mandela went on a working holiday to Transkei to discuss the implications of the Bantu Authorities Act, 1951 with local tribal leaders, also visiting his mother and Noengland before proceeding to Cape Town.[98] In March 1956 he received his third ban on public appearances, restricting him to Johannesburg for five years, but he often defied it.[99] Mandela’s marriage broke down and Evelyn left him, taking their children to live with her brother. Initiating divorce proceedings in May 1956, she claimed that Mandela had physically abused her; he denied the allegations, and fought for custody of their children.[100] She withdrew her petition of separation in November, but Mandela filed for divorce in January 1958; the divorce was finalised in March, with the children placed in Evelyn’s care.[101] During the divorce proceedings, he began courting a social worker, Winnie Madikizela, whom he married in Bizana in June 1958. She later became involved in ANC activities, spending several weeks in prison.[102] Together they had two children: Zenani, born in February 1959, and Zindziswa, born in December 1960.[103]

An apartheid sign; apartheid legislation impacted all areas of life

In December 1956, Mandela was arrested alongside most of the ANC national executive, and accused of “high treason” against the state. Held in Johannesburg Prison amid mass protests, they underwent a preparatory examination before being granted bail.[104] The defence’s refutation began in January 1957, overseen by defence lawyer Vernon Berrangé, and continued until the case was adjourned in September. In January 1958, Oswald Pirow was appointed to prosecute the case, and in February the judge ruled that there was “sufficient reason” for the defendants to go on trial in the Transvaal Supreme Court.[105] The formal Treason Trial began in Pretoria in August 1958, with the defendants successfully applying to have the three judges—all linked to the governing National Party—replaced. In August, one charge was dropped, and in October the prosecution withdrew its indictment, submitting a reformulated version in November which argued that the ANC leadership committed high treason by advocating violent revolution, a charge the defendants denied.[106]

In April 1959, Africanists dissatisfied with the ANC’s united front approach founded the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC); Mandela disagreed with the PAC’s racially exclusionary views, describing them as “immature” and “naïve”.[107] Both parties took part in an anti-pass campaign in early 1960, in which Africans burned the passes that they were legally obliged to carry. One of the PAC-organised demonstrations was fired upon by police, resulting in the deaths of 69 protesters in the Sharpeville massacre. The incident brought international condemnation of the government and resulted in rioting throughout South Africa, with Mandela publicly burning his pass in solidarity.[108]

Responding to the unrest, the government implemented state of emergency measures, declaring martial law and banning the ANC and PAC; in March, they arrested Mandela and other activists, imprisoning them for five months without charge in the unsanitary conditions of the Pretoria Local prison.[109] Imprisonment caused problems for Mandela and his co-defendants in the Treason Trial; their lawyers could not reach them, and so it was decided that the lawyers would withdraw in protest until the accused were freed from prison when the state of emergency was lifted in late August 1960.[110] Over the following months, Mandela used his free time to organise an All-In African Conference near PietermaritzburgNatal, in March 1961, at which 1,400 anti-apartheid delegates met, agreeing on a stay-at-home strike to mark 31 May, the day South Africa became a republic.[111] On 29 March 1961, six years after the Treason Trial began, the judges produced a verdict of not guilty, ruling that there was insufficient evidence to convict the accused of “high treason”, since they had advocated neither communism nor violent revolution; the outcome embarrassed the government.[112]

MK, the SACP, and African tour: 1961–62

Thatched room at Liliesleaf Farm, where Mandela hid

Disguised as a chauffeur, Mandela travelled around the country incognito, organising the ANC’s new cell structure and the planned mass stay-at-home strike. Referred to as the “Black Pimpernel” in the press—a reference to Emma Orczy‘s 1905 novel The Scarlet Pimpernel—a warrant for his arrest was put out by the police.[113] Mandela held secret meetings with reporters, and after the government failed to prevent the strike, he warned them that many anti-apartheid activists would soon resort to violence through groups like the PAC’s Poqo.[114] He believed that the ANC should form an armed group to channel some of this violence in a controlled direction, convincing both ANC leader Albert Luthuli—who was morally opposed to violence—and allied activist groups of its necessity.[115]

Inspired by the actions of Fidel Castro‘s 26th of July Movement in the Cuban Revolution, in 1961 Mandela, Sisulu, and Slovo co-founded Umkhonto we Sizwe (“Spear of the Nation”, abbreviated MK). Becoming chairman of the militant group, Mandela gained ideas from literature on guerrilla warfare by Marxist militants Mao and Che Guevara as well as from the military theorist Carl von Clausewitz.[116] Although initially declared officially separate from the ANC so as not to taint the latter’s reputation, MK was later widely recognised as the party’s armed wing.[117] Most early MK members were white communists who were able to conceal Mandela in their homes; after hiding in communist Wolfie Kodesh’s flat in Berea, Mandela moved to the communist-owned Liliesleaf Farm in Rivonia, there joined by Raymond Mhlaba, Slovo, and Bernstein, who put together the MK constitution.[118] Although in later life Mandela denied, for political reasons, ever being a member of the Communist Party, historical research published in 2011 strongly suggested that he had joined in the late 1950s or early 1960s.[119] This was confirmed by both the SACP and the ANC after Mandela’s death. According to the SACP, he was not only a member of the party, but also served on its Central Committee.[120][121]

We of Umkhonto have always sought to achieve liberation without bloodshed and civil clash. We hope, even at this late hour, that our first actions will awaken everyone to a realization of the dangerous situation to which Nationalist policy is leading. We hope that we will bring the Government and its supporters to their senses before it is too late, so that both government and its policies can be changed before matters reach the desperate stage of civil war.

—Statement released by MK to announce the start of their sabotage campaign[122]

Operating through a cell structure, MK planned to carry out acts of sabotage that would exert maximum pressure on the government with minimum casualties; they sought to bomb military installations, power plants, telephone lines, and transport links at night, when civilians were not present. Mandela stated that they chose sabotage because it was the least harmful action, did not involve killing, and offered the best hope for racial reconciliation afterwards; he nevertheless acknowledged that should this have failed then guerrilla warfare might have been necessary.[123] Soon after ANC leader Luthuli was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, MK publicly announced its existence with 57 bombings on Dingane’s Day (16 December) 1961, followed by further attacks on New Year’s Eve.[124]

The ANC decided to send Mandela as a delegate to the February 1962 meeting of the Pan-African Freedom Movement for East, Central and Southern Africa (PAFMECSA) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.[125] Leaving South Africa in secret via Bechuanaland, on his way Mandela visited Tanganyika and met with its president, Julius Nyerere.[126] Arriving in Ethiopia, Mandela met with Emperor Haile Selassie I, and gave his speech after Selassie’s at the conference.[127] After the symposium, he travelled to Cairo, Egypt, admiring the political reforms of President Gamal Abdel Nasser, and then went to Tunis, Tunisia, where President Habib Bourguiba gave him £5,000 for weaponry. He proceeded to Morocco, Mali, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Senegal, receiving funds from Liberian President William Tubman and Guinean President Ahmed Sékou Touré.[128] He left Africa for London, England, where he met anti-apartheid activists, reporters, and prominent politicians.[129] Upon returning to Ethiopia, he began a six-month course in guerrilla warfare, but completed only two months before being recalled to South Africa by the ANC’s leadership.[130]

Imprisonment

Arrest and Rivonia trial: 1962–1964

On 5 August 1962, police captured Mandela along with fellow activist Cecil Williams near Howick.[131] Many MK members suspected that the authorities had been tipped off with regard to Mandela’s whereabouts, although Mandela himself gave these ideas little credence.[132] In later years, Donald Rickard, a former American diplomat revealed that the Central Intelligence Agency, who feared Mandela’s associations with communists, had informed the South African police of his location.[133][134] Jailed in Johannesburg’s Marshall Square prison, Mandela was charged with inciting workers’ strikes and leaving the country without permission. Representing himself with Slovo as legal advisor, Mandela intended to use the trial to showcase “the ANC’s moral opposition to racism” while supporters demonstrated outside the court.[135] Moved to Pretoria, where Winnie could visit him, he began correspondence studies for a Bachelor of Laws (LLB) degree from the University of London International Programmes.[136] His hearing began in October, but he disrupted proceedings by wearing a traditional kaross, refusing to call any witnesses, and turning his plea of mitigation into a political speech. Found guilty, he was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment; as he left the courtroom, supporters sang “Nkosi Sikelel iAfrika“.[137]

I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to see realised. But if it needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.

—Mandela’s Rivonia Trial Speech, 1964[138][139]

On 11 July 1963, police raided Liliesleaf Farm, arresting those they found there and uncovering paperwork documenting MK’s activities, some of which mentioned Mandela. The Rivonia Trial began at Pretoria Supreme Court in October, with Mandela and his comrades charged with four counts of sabotage and conspiracy to violently overthrow the government; their chief prosecutor was Percy Yutar.[140] Judge Quartus de Wet soon threw out the prosecution’s case for insufficient evidence, but Yutar reformulated the charges, presenting his new case from December 1963 until February 1964, calling 173 witnesses and bringing thousands of documents and photographs to the trial.[141]

Although four of the accused denied involvement with MK, Mandela and the other five accused admitted sabotage but denied that they had ever agreed to initiate guerrilla war against the government.[142] They used the trial to highlight their political cause; at the opening of the defence’s proceedings, Mandela gave his three-hour “I Am Prepared to Die” speech. That speech—which was inspired by Castro’s “History Will Absolve Me“—was widely reported in the press despite official censorship.[143] The trial gained international attention; there were global calls for the release of the accused from the United Nations and World Peace Council, while the University of London Union voted Mandela to its presidency.[144] On 12 June 1964, justice De Wet found Mandela and two of his co-accused guilty on all four charges; although the prosecution had called for the death sentence to be applied, the judge instead condemned them to life imprisonment.[145]

Robben Island: 1964–1982

Mandela and his co-accused were transferred from Pretoria to the prison on Robben Island, remaining there for the next 18 years.[146] Isolated from non-political prisoners in Section B, Mandela was imprisoned in a damp concrete cell measuring 8 feet (2.4 m) by 7 feet (2.1 m), with a straw mat on which to sleep.[147] Verbally and physically harassed by several white prison wardens, the Rivonia Trial prisoners spent their days breaking rocks into gravel, until being reassigned in January 1965 to work in a lime quarry. Mandela was initially forbidden to wear sunglasses, and the glare from the lime permanently damaged his eyesight.[148] At night, he worked on his LLB degree which he was obtaining from the University of London through a correspondence course with Wolsey Hall, Oxford, but newspapers were forbidden, and he was locked in solitary confinement on several occasions for the possession of smuggled news clippings.[149] He was initially classified as the lowest grade of prisoner, Class D, meaning that he was permitted one visit and one letter every six months, although all mail was heavily censored.[150]

Lime quarry on Robben Island where Mandela and other prisoners were forced to carry out hard labour

The political prisoners took part in work and hunger strikes—the latter considered largely ineffective by Mandela—to improve prison conditions, viewing this as a microcosm of the anti-apartheid struggle.[151] ANC prisoners elected him to their four-man “High Organ” along with Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, and Raymond Mhlaba, and he involved himself in a group representing all political prisoners (including Eddie Daniels) on the island, Ulundi, through which he forged links with PAC and Yu Chi Chan Club members.[152] Initiating the “University of Robben Island”, whereby prisoners lectured on their own areas of expertise, he debated socio-political topics with his comrades.[153]

Though attending Christian Sunday services, Mandela studied Islam.[154] He also studied Afrikaans, hoping to build a mutual respect with the warders and convert them to his cause.[155] Various official visitors met with Mandela, most significantly the liberal parliamentary representative Helen Suzman of the Progressive Party, who championed Mandela’s cause outside of prison.[156] In September 1970, he met British Labour Party politician Dennis Healey.[157] South African Minister of Justice Jimmy Kruger visited in December 1974, but he and Mandela did not get along with each other.[158] His mother visited in 1968, dying shortly after, and his firstborn son Thembi died in a car accident the following year; Mandela was forbidden from attending either funeral.[159] His wife was rarely able to see him, being regularly imprisoned for political activity, and his daughters first visited in December 1975. Winnie was released from prison in 1977 but was forcibly settled in Brandfort and remained unable to see him.[160]

From 1967 onwards, prison conditions improved; black prisoners were given trousers rather than shorts, games were permitted, and the standard of their food was raised.[161] In 1969, an escape plan for Mandela was developed by Gordon Bruce, but it was abandoned after the conspiracy was infiltrated by an agent of the South African Bureau of State Security (BOSS), who hoped to see Mandela shot during the escape.[162] In 1970, Commander Piet Badenhorst became commanding officer. Mandela, seeing an increase in the physical and mental abuse of prisoners, complained to visiting judges, who had Badenhorst reassigned.[163] He was replaced by Commander Willie Willemse, who developed a co-operative relationship with Mandela and was keen to improve prison standards.[164]

The inside of Mandela’s prison cell as it was when he was imprisoned in 1964 and his open cell window facing the prison yard on Robben Island, now a national and World Heritage Site. Mandela’s cell later contained more furniture, including a bed from around 1973.[165]

By 1975, Mandela had become a Class A prisoner,[166] which allowed him greater numbers of visits and letters. He corresponded with anti-apartheid activists like Mangosuthu Buthelezi and Desmond Tutu.[167] That year, he began his autobiography, which was smuggled to London, but remained unpublished at the time; prison authorities discovered several pages, and his LLB study privileges were revoked for four years.[168] Instead, he devoted his spare time to gardening and reading until the authorities permitted him to resume his LLB degree studies in 1980.[169]

By the late 1960s, Mandela’s fame had been eclipsed by Steve Biko and the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM). Seeing the ANC as ineffectual, the BCM called for militant action, but following the Soweto uprising of 1976, many BCM activists were imprisoned on Robben Island.[170] Mandela tried to build a relationship with these young radicals, although he was critical of their racialism and contempt for white anti-apartheid activists.[171] Renewed international interest in his plight came in July 1978, when he celebrated his 60th birthday.[172] He was awarded an honorary doctorate in Lesotho, the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding in India in 1979, and the Freedom of the City of Glasgow, Scotland in 1981.[173] In March 1980, the slogan “Free Mandela!” was developed by journalist Percy Qoboza, sparking an international campaign that led the UN Security Council to call for his release.[174] Despite increasing foreign pressure, the government refused, relying on its Cold War allies US President Ronald Reagan and UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher; both considered Mandela’s ANC a terrorist organisation sympathetic to communism, and supported its suppression.[175]

Pollsmoor Prison: 1982–1988

In April 1982, Mandela was transferred to Pollsmoor Prison in Tokai, Cape Town, along with senior ANC leaders Walter Sisulu, Andrew Mlangeni, Ahmed Kathrada, and Raymond Mhlaba; they believed that they were being isolated to remove their influence on younger activists at Robben Island.[176] Conditions at Pollsmoor were better than at Robben Island, although Mandela missed the camaraderie and scenery of the island.[177] Getting on well with Pollsmoor’s commanding officer, Brigadier Munro, Mandela was permitted to create a roof garden;[178] he also read voraciously and corresponded widely, now permitted 52 letters a year.[179] He was appointed patron of the multi-racial United Democratic Front (UDF), founded to combat reforms implemented by South African President P. W. Botha. Botha’s National Party government had permitted Coloured and Indian citizens to vote for their own parliaments, which had control over education, health, and housing, but black Africans were excluded from the system; like Mandela, the UDF saw this as an attempt to divide the anti-apartheid movement on racial lines.[180]

Bust of Mandela erected on London’s South Bank by the Greater London Council administration of Ken Livingstone in 1985

The early 1980s witnessed an escalation of violence across the country, and many predicted civil war. This was accompanied by economic stagnation as various multinational banks—under pressure from an international lobby—had stopped investing in South Africa. Numerous banks and Thatcher asked Botha to release Mandela—then at the height of his international fame—to defuse the volatile situation.[181] Although considering Mandela a dangerous “arch-Marxist”,[182] in February 1985 Botha offered him a release from prison if he “unconditionally rejected violence as a political weapon”. Mandela spurned the offer, releasing a statement through his daughter Zindzi stating, “What freedom am I being offered while the organisation of the people [ANC] remains banned? Only free men can negotiate. A prisoner cannot enter into contracts.”[183][184]

In 1985, Mandela underwent surgery on an enlarged prostate gland, before being given new solitary quarters on the ground floor.[185] He was met by “seven eminent persons”, an international delegation sent to negotiate a settlement, but Botha’s government refused to co-operate, calling a state of emergency in June and initiating a police crackdown on unrest.[186] The anti-apartheid resistance fought back, with the ANC committing 231 attacks in 1986 and 235 in 1987.[187] The violence escalated as the government used the army and police to combat the resistance, and provided covert support for vigilante groups and the Zulu nationalist movement Inkatha, which was involved in an increasingly violent struggle with the ANC.[188] Mandela requested talks with Botha but was denied, instead secretly meeting with Minister of Justice Kobie Coetsee in 1987, and having a further 11 meetings over the next three years. Coetsee organised negotiations between Mandela and a team of four government figures starting in May 1988; the team agreed to the release of political prisoners and the legalisation of the ANC on the condition that they permanently renounce violence, break links with the Communist Party, and not insist on majority rule. Mandela rejected these conditions, insisting that the ANC would end its armed activities only when the government renounced violence.[189]

Mandela’s 70th birthday in July 1988 attracted international attention, including a tribute concert at London’s Wembley Stadium that was televised and watched by an estimated 200 million viewers.[190] Although presented globally as a heroic figure, he faced personal problems when ANC leaders informed him that Winnie had set herself up as head of a gang, the “Mandela United Football Club”, which had been responsible for torturing and killing opponents—including children—in Soweto. Though some encouraged him to divorce her, he decided to remain loyal until she was found guilty by trial.[191]

Victor Verster Prison and release: 1988–1990

“Free Mandela” protest in East Berlin, 1986

Recovering from tuberculosis exacerbated by the damp conditions in his cell,[192] in December 1988 Mandela was moved to Victor Verster Prison near Paarl. He was housed in the relative comfort of a warder’s house with a personal cook, and used the time to complete his LLB degree.[193] While there, he was permitted many visitors and organised secret communications with exiled ANC leader Oliver Tambo.[194][195]

In 1989, Botha suffered a stroke; although he would retain the state presidency, he stepped down as leader of the National Party, to be replaced by F. W. de Klerk.[196] In a surprise move, Botha invited Mandela to a meeting over tea in July 1989, an invitation Mandela considered genial.[197] Botha was replaced as state president by de Klerk six weeks later; the new president believed that apartheid was unsustainable and released a number of ANC prisoners.[198] Following the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, de Klerk called his cabinet together to debate legalising the ANC and freeing Mandela. Although some were deeply opposed to his plans, de Klerk met with Mandela in December to discuss the situation, a meeting both men considered friendly, before legalising all formerly banned political parties in February 1990 and announcing Mandela’s unconditional release.[199][200] Shortly thereafter, for the first time in 20 years, photographs of Mandela were allowed to be published in South Africa.[201]

Leaving Victor Verster Prison on 11 February, Mandela held Winnie’s hand in front of amassed crowds and the press; the event was broadcast live across the world.[202][203] Driven to Cape Town’s City Hall through crowds, he gave a speech declaring his commitment to peace and reconciliation with the white minority, but made it clear that the ANC’s armed struggle was not over, and would continue as “a purely defensive action against the violence of apartheid”. He expressed hope that the government would agree to negotiations, so that “there may no longer be the need for the armed struggle”, and insisted that his main focus was to bring peace to the black majority and give them the right to vote in national and local elections.[204][205] Staying at Tutu’s home, in the following days Mandela met with friends, activists, and press, giving a speech to an estimated 100,000 people at Johannesburg’s Soccer City.[206]

End of apartheid

Early negotiations: 1990–91

Luthuli House in Johannesburg, which became the ANC headquarters in 1991

Mandela proceeded on an African tour, meeting supporters and politicians in Zambia, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Libya and Algeria, and continuing to Sweden, where he was reunited with Tambo, and London, where he appeared at the Nelson Mandela: An International Tribute for a Free South Africa concert at Wembley Stadium.[207] Encouraging foreign countries to support sanctions against the apartheid government, in France he was welcomed by President François Mitterrand, in Vatican City by Pope John Paul II, and in the United Kingdom by Thatcher. In the United States, he met President George H.W. Bush, addressed both Houses of Congress and visited eight cities, being particularly popular among the African-American community.[208] In Cuba, he became friends with President Castro, whom he had long admired.[209] He met President R. Venkataraman in India, President Suharto in Indonesia, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad in Malaysia, and Prime Minister Bob Hawke in Australia. He visited Japan, but not the Soviet Union, a longtime ANC supporter.[210]

In May 1990, Mandela led a multiracial ANC delegation into preliminary negotiations with a government delegation of 11 Afrikaner men. Mandela impressed them with his discussions of Afrikaner history, and the negotiations led to the Groot Schuur Minute, in which the government lifted the state of emergency.[211] In August, Mandela—recognising the ANC’s severe military disadvantage—offered a ceasefire, the Pretoria Minute, for which he was widely criticised by MK activists.[211] He spent much time trying to unify and build the ANC, appearing at a Johannesburg conference in December attended by 1600 delegates, many of whom found him more moderate than expected.[212] At the ANC’s July 1991 national conference in Durban, Mandela admitted that the party had faults and announced his aim to build a “strong and well-oiled task force” for securing majority rule.[213] At the conference, he was elected ANC President, replacing the ailing Tambo, and a 50-strong multiracial, mixed gendered national executive was elected.[213]

Mandela was given an office in the newly purchased ANC headquarters at Shell House, Johannesburg, and moved into Winnie’s large Soweto home.[214] Their marriage was increasingly strained as he learned of her affair with Dali Mpofu, but he supported her during her trial for kidnapping and assault. He gained funding for her defence from the International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa and from Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, but in June 1991 she was found guilty and sentenced to six years in prison, reduced to two on appeal. On 13 April 1992, Mandela publicly announced his separation from Winnie. The ANC forced her to step down from the national executive for misappropriating ANC funds; Mandela moved into the mostly white Johannesburg suburb of Houghton.[215] Mandela’s prospects for a peaceful transition were further damaged by an increase in “black-on-black” violence, particularly between ANC and Inkatha supporters in KwaZulu-Natal, which resulted in thousands of deaths. Mandela met with Inkatha leader Buthelezi, but the ANC prevented further negotiations on the issue. Mandela argued that there was a “third force” within the state intelligence services fuelling the “slaughter of the people” and openly blamed de Klerk—whom he increasingly distrusted—for the Sebokeng massacre.[216] In September 1991, a national peace conference was held in Johannesburg at which Mandela, Buthelezi and de Klerk signed a peace accord, though the violence continued.[217]

CODESA talks: 1991–92

The Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) began in December 1991 at the Johannesburg World Trade Centre, attended by 228 delegates from 19 political parties. Although Cyril Ramaphosa led the ANC’s delegation, Mandela remained a key figure, and after de Klerk used the closing speech to condemn the ANC’s violence, he took to the stage to denounce de Klerk as the “head of an illegitimate, discredited minority regime”. Dominated by the National Party and ANC, little negotiation was achieved.[218] CODESA 2 was held in May 1992, at which de Klerk insisted that post-apartheid South Africa must use a federal system with a rotating presidency to ensure the protection of ethnic minorities; Mandela opposed this, demanding a unitary system governed by majority rule.[219] Following the Boipatong massacre of ANC activists by government-aided Inkatha militants, Mandela called off the negotiations, before attending a meeting of the Organisation of African Unity in Senegal, at which he called for a special session of the UN Security Council and proposed that a UN peacekeeping force be stationed in South Africa to prevent “state terrorism“.[220] Calling for domestic mass action, in August the ANC organised the largest-ever strike in South African history, and supporters marched on Pretoria.[221]

De Klerk and Mandela at the World Economic Forum, 1992

Following the Bisho massacre, in which 28 ANC supporters and one soldier were shot dead by the Ciskei Defence Force during a protest march, Mandela realised that mass action was leading to further violence and resumed negotiations in September. He agreed to do so on the conditions that all political prisoners be released, that Zulu traditional weapons be banned, and that Zulu hostels would be fenced off, the latter two measures intended to prevent further Inkatha attacks; de Klerk reluctantly agreed.[222] The negotiations agreed that a multiracial general election would be held, resulting in a five-year coalition government of national unity and a constitutional assembly that gave the National Party continuing influence. The ANC also conceded to safeguarding the jobs of white civil servants; such concessions brought fierce internal criticism.[223] The duo agreed on an interim constitution based on a liberal democratic model, guaranteeing separation of powers, creating a constitutional court, and including a US-style bill of rights; it also divided the country into nine provinces, each with its own premier and civil service, a concession between de Klerk’s desire for federalism and Mandela’s for unitary government.[224]

The democratic process was threatened by the Concerned South Africans Group (COSAG), an alliance of black ethnic-secessionist groups like Inkatha and far-right Afrikaner parties; in June 1993, one of the latter—the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (AWB)—attacked the Kempton Park World Trade Centre.[225] Following the murder of ANC activist Chris Hani, Mandela made a publicised speech to calm rioting, soon after appearing at a mass funeral in Soweto for Tambo, who had died of a stroke.[226] In July 1993, both Mandela and de Klerk visited the US, independently meeting President Bill Clinton and each receiving the Liberty Medal.[227] Soon after, Mandela and de Klerk were jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in Norway.[228] Influenced by Thabo Mbeki, Mandela began meeting with big business figures, and played down his support for nationalisation, fearing that he would scare away much-needed foreign investment. Although criticised by socialist ANC members, he had been encouraged to embrace private enterprise by members of the Chinese and Vietnamese Communist parties at the January 1992 World Economic Forum in Switzerland.[229]

General election: 1994

Mandela casting his vote in the 1994 election

With the election set for 27 April 1994, the ANC began campaigning, opening 100 election offices and orchestrating People’s Forums across the country at which Mandela could appear, as a popular figure with great status among black South Africans.[230] The ANC campaigned on a Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) to build a million houses in five years, introduce universal free education and extend access to water and electricity. The party’s slogan was “a better life for all”, although it was not explained how this development would be funded.[231] With the exception of the Weekly Mail and the New Nation, South Africa’s press opposed Mandela’s election, fearing continued ethnic strife, instead supporting the National or Democratic Party.[232] Mandela devoted much time to fundraising for the ANC, touring North America, Europe and Asia to meet wealthy donors, including former supporters of the apartheid regime.[233] He also urged a reduction in the voting age from 18 to 14; rejected by the ANC, this policy became the subject of ridicule.[234]

Concerned that COSAG would undermine the election, particularly in the wake of the conflict in Bophuthatswana and the Shell House massacre—incidents of violence involving the AWB and Inkatha, respectively—Mandela met with Afrikaner politicians and generals, including P. W. Botha, Pik Botha and Constand Viljoen, persuading many to work within the democratic system. With de Klerk, he also convinced Inkatha’s Buthelezi to enter the elections rather than launch a war of secession.[235] As leaders of the two major parties, de Klerk and Mandela appeared on a televised debate; although de Klerk was widely considered the better speaker at the event, Mandela’s offer to shake his hand surprised him, leading some commentators to deem it a victory for Mandela.[236] The election went ahead with little violence, although an AWB cell killed 20 with car bombs. As widely expected, the ANC won a sweeping victory, taking 63% of the vote, just short of the two-thirds majority needed to unilaterally change the constitution. The ANC was also victorious in seven provinces, with Inkatha and the National Party each taking one.[237][238] Mandela voted at the Ohlange High School in Durban, and though the ANC’s victory assured his election as President, he publicly accepted that the election had been marred by instances of fraud and sabotage.[239][240]

Presidency of South Africa: 1994–1999

The newly elected National Assembly’s first act was to formally elect Mandela as South Africa’s first black chief executive. His inauguration took place in Pretoria on 10 May 1994, televised to a billion viewers globally. The event was attended by four thousand guests, including world leaders from a wide range of geographic and ideological backgrounds.[241] Mandela headed a Government of National Unity dominated by the ANC—which had no experience of governing by itself—but containing representatives from the National Party and Inkatha. Under the Interim Constitution, Inkatha and the National Party were entitled to seats in the government by virtue of winning at least 20 seats. In keeping with earlier agreements, both de Klerk and Thabo Mbeki were given the position of Deputy President.[242][243] Although Mbeki had not been his first choice for the job, Mandela grew to rely heavily on him throughout his presidency, allowing him to shape policy details.[244] Moving into the presidential office at Tuynhuys in Cape Town, Mandela allowed de Klerk to retain the presidential residence in the Groote Schuur estate, instead settling into the nearby Westbrooke manor, which he renamed “Genadendal“, meaning “Valley of Mercy” in Afrikaans.[245] Retaining his Houghton home, he also had a house built in his home village of Qunu, which he visited regularly, walking around the area, meeting with locals, and judging tribal disputes.[246]

Aged 76, he faced various ailments, and although exhibiting continued energy, he felt isolated and lonely.[247] He often entertained celebrities, such as Michael JacksonWhoopi Goldberg, and the Spice Girls, and befriended ultra-rich businessmen, like Harry Oppenheimer of Anglo-American. He also met with Queen Elizabeth II on her March 1995 state visit to South Africa, which earned him strong criticism from ANC anti-capitalists.[248] Despite his opulent surroundings, Mandela lived simply, donating a third of his R 552,000 annual income to the Nelson Mandela Children’s Fund, which he had founded in 1995.[249] Although dismantling press censorship, speaking out in favour of freedom of the press, and befriending many journalists, Mandela was critical of much of the country’s media, noting that it was overwhelmingly owned and run by middle-class whites and believing that it focused too heavily on scaremongering about crime.[250]

In December 1994, Mandela published Long Walk to Freedom, an autobiography based around a manuscript he had written in prison, augmented by interviews conducted with American journalist Richard Stengel.[251] In late 1994, he attended the 49th conference of the ANC in Bloemfontein, at which a more militant national executive was elected, among them Winnie Mandela; although she expressed an interest in reconciling, Nelson initiated divorce proceedings in August 1995.[252] By 1995, he had entered into a relationship with Graça Machel, a Mozambican political activist 27 years his junior who was the widow of former president Samora Machel. They had first met in July 1990 when she was still in mourning, but their friendship grew into a partnership, with Machel accompanying him on many of his foreign visits. She turned down Mandela’s first marriage proposal, wanting to retain some independence and dividing her time between Mozambique and Johannesburg.[253]

National reconciliation

Gracious but steely, [Mandela] steered a country in turmoil toward a negotiated settlement: a country that days before its first democratic election remained violent, riven by divisive views and personalities. He endorsed national reconciliation, an idea he did not merely foster in the abstract, but performed with panache and conviction in reaching out to former adversaries. He initiated an era of hope that, while not long-lasting, was nevertheless decisive, and he garnered the highest international recognition and affection.

—Rita Barnard, The Cambridge Companion to Nelson Mandela[254]

Presiding over the transition from apartheid minority rule to a multicultural democracy, Mandela saw national reconciliation as the primary task of his presidency.[255] Having seen other post-colonial African economies damaged by the departure of white elites, Mandela worked to reassure South Africa’s white population that they were protected and represented in “the Rainbow Nation“.[256] Although his Government of National Unity would be dominated by the ANC,[257] he attempted to create a broad coalition by appointing de Klerk as Deputy President and appointing other National Party officials as ministers for Agriculture, Energy, Environment, and Minerals and Energy, as well as naming Buthelezi as Minister for Home Affairs.[258] The other cabinet positions were taken by ANC members, many of whom—like Joe ModiseAlfred Nzo, Joe Slovo, Mac Maharaj and Dullah Omar—had long been comrades of Mandela, although others, such as Tito Mboweni and Jeff Radebe, were far younger.[259] Mandela’s relationship with de Klerk was strained; Mandela thought that de Klerk was intentionally provocative, and de Klerk felt that he was being intentionally humiliated by the president.[260] In January 1995, Mandela heavily chastised him for awarding amnesty to 3,500 police officers just before the election, and later criticised him for defending former Minister of Defence Magnus Malan when the latter was charged with murder.[260]

Mandela personally met with senior figures of the apartheid regime, including Hendrik Verwoerd‘s widow, Betsie Schoombie, and lawyer Percy Yutar, also laying a wreath by the statue of Afrikaner hero Daniel Theron.[261] Emphasising personal forgiveness and reconciliation, he announced that “courageous people do not fear forgiving, for the sake of peace.”[262] He encouraged black South Africans to get behind the previously hated national rugby team, the Springboks, as South Africa hosted the 1995 Rugby World Cup. Mandela wore a Springbok shirt at the final against New Zealand, and after the Springboks won the match, Mandela presented the trophy to captain Francois Pienaar, an Afrikaner. This was widely seen as a major step in the reconciliation of white and black South Africans; as de Klerk later put it, “Mandela won the hearts of millions of white rugby fans.”[263][264] Mandela’s efforts at reconciliation assuaged the fears of whites, but also drew criticism from more militant blacks.[265] Among the latter was his estranged wife, Winnie, who accused the ANC of being more interested in appeasing the white community than in helping the black majority.[266]

Mandela oversaw the formation of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate crimes committed under apartheid by both the government and the ANC, appointing Tutu as its chair. To prevent the creation of martyrs, the Commission granted individual amnesties in exchange for testimony of crimes committed during the apartheid era. Dedicated in February 1996, it held two years of hearings detailing rapes, torture, bombings, and assassinations, before issuing its final report in October 1998. Both de Klerk and Mbeki appealed to have parts of the report suppressed, though only de Klerk’s appeal was successful.[267] Mandela praised the Commission’s work, stating that it “had helped us move away from the past to concentrate on the present and the future”.[268]

Domestic programmes

Houses in Soweto constructed under the RDP program

Mandela’s administration inherited a country with a huge disparity in wealth and services between white and black communities. Of a population of 40 million, around 23 million lacked electricity or adequate sanitation, and 12 million lacked clean water supplies, with 2 million children not in school and a third of the population illiterate. There was 33% unemployment, and just under half of the population lived below the poverty line.[269] Government financial reserves were nearly depleted, with a fifth of the national budget being spent on debt repayment, meaning that the extent of the promised Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) was scaled back, with none of the proposed nationalisation or job creation.[270] In 1996, the RDP was replaced with a new policy, Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR), which maintained South Africa’s mixed economy but placed an emphasis on economic growth through a framework of market economics and the encouragement of foreign investment; many in the ANC derided it as a neo-liberal policy that did not address social inequality, no matter how Mandela defended it.[271] In adopting this approach, Mandela’s government adhered to the “Washington consensus” advocated by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.[272]

Mandela on a visit to Brazil in 1998

Under Mandela’s presidency, welfare spending increased by 13% in 1996/97, 13% in 1997/98, and 7% in 1998/99.[273] The government introduced parity in grants for communities, including disability grants, child maintenance grants, and old-age pensions, which had previously been set at different levels for South Africa’s different racial groups.[273] In 1994, free healthcare was introduced for children under six and pregnant women, a provision extended to all those using primary level public sector health care services in 1996.[274][275] By the 1999 election, the ANC could boast that due to their policies, 3 million people were connected to telephone lines, 1.5 million children were brought into the education system, 500 clinics were upgraded or constructed, 2 million people were connected to the electricity grid, water access was extended to 3 million people, and 750,000 houses were constructed, housing nearly 3 million people.[276]

The Land Reform Act 3 of 1996 safeguarded the rights of labour tenants living on farms where they grew crops or grazed livestock. This legislation ensured that such tenants could not be evicted without a court order or if they were over the age of 65.[277] Recognising that arms manufacturing was a key industry for the South African economy, Mandela endorsed the trade in weapons but brought in tighter regulations surrounding Armscor to ensure that South African weaponry was not sold to authoritarian regimes.[278] Under Mandela’s administration, tourism was increasingly promoted, becoming a major sector of the South African economy.[279]

Critics like Edwin Cameron accused Mandela’s government of doing little to stem the HIV/AIDS pandemic in the country; by 1999, 10% of South Africa’s population were HIV positive. Mandela later admitted that he had personally neglected the issue, in part due to public reticence in discussing issues surrounding sex in South Africa, and that he had instead left the issue for Mbeki to deal with.[280][281] Mandela also received criticism for failing to sufficiently combat crime; South Africa had one of the world’s highest crime rates,[282] and the activities of international crime syndicates in the country grew significantly throughout the decade.[283] Mandela’s administration was also perceived as having failed to deal with the problem of corruption.[284]

Further problems were caused by the exodus of thousands of skilled white South Africans from the country, who were escaping the increasing crime rates, higher taxes, and the impact of positive discrimination toward blacks in employment. This exodus resulted in a brain drain, and Mandela criticised those who left.[285] At the same time, South Africa experienced an influx of millions of illegal migrants from poorer parts of Africa; although public opinion toward these illegal immigrants was generally unfavourable, characterising them as disease-spreading criminals who were a drain on resources, Mandela called on South Africans to embrace them as “brothers and sisters”.[286]

Foreign affairs

Mandela expressed the view that “South Africa’s future foreign relations [should] be based on our belief that human rights should be the core of international relations”.[287] Following the South African example, Mandela encouraged other nations to resolve conflicts through diplomacy and reconciliation.[288] In September 1998, Mandela was appointed Secretary-General of the Non-Aligned Movement, who held their annual conference in Durban. He used the event to criticise the “narrow, chauvinistic interests” of the Israeli government in stalling negotiations to end the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and urged India and Pakistan to negotiate to end the Kashmir conflict, for which he was criticised by both Israel and India.[289] Inspired by the region’s economic boom, Mandela sought greater economic relations with East Asia, in particular with Malaysia, although this was prevented by the 1997 Asian financial crisis.[290] He extended diplomatic recognition to the People’s Republic of China (PRC), who were growing as an economic force, and initially also to Taiwan, who were already longstanding investors in the South African economy. However, under pressure from the PRC, in November 1996 he cut recognition of Taiwan, and in May 1999 paid an official visit to Beijing.[291]

Mandela with US President Bill Clinton. Despite publicly criticising him on several occasions, Mandela liked Clinton, and personally supported him during his impeachment proceedings.[292]

Mandela attracted controversy for his close relationship with Indonesian president Suharto, whose regime was responsible for mass human rights abuses, although on a July 1997 visit to Indonesia he privately urged Suharto to withdraw from the occupation of East Timor.[293] He also faced similar criticism from the West for his government’s trade links to Syria, Cuba, and Libya,[294] and for his personal friendships with Castro and Gaddafi.[295] Castro visited in 1998 to widespread popular acclaim, and Mandela met Gaddafi in Libya to award him the Order of Good Hope.[295] When Western governments and media criticised these visits, Mandela lambasted such criticism as having racist undertones,[296] and stated that “the enemies of countries in the West are not our enemies.”[294] Mandela hoped to resolve the long-running dispute between Libya and the US and Britain over bringing to trial the two Libyans, Abdelbaset al-Megrahi and Lamin Khalifah Fhimah, who were indicted in November 1991 and accused of sabotaging Pan Am Flight 103. Mandela proposed that they be tried in a third country, which was agreed to by all parties; governed by Scots law, the trial was held at Camp Zeist in the Netherlands in April 1999, and found one of the two men guilty.[297][298]

Mandela echoed Mbeki’s calls for an “African Renaissance“, and was greatly concerned with issues on the continent.[299] He took a soft diplomatic approach to removing Sani Abacha‘s military junta in Nigeria but later became a leading figure in calling for sanctions when Abacha’s regime increased human rights violations.[300] In 1996, he was appointed Chairman of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and initiated unsuccessful negotiations to end the First Congo War in Zaire.[301] He also played a key role as a mediator in the ethnic conflict between Tutsi and Hutu political groups in the Burundian Civil War, helping to initiate a settlement which brought increased stability to the country but did not end the ethnic violence.[302] In South Africa’s first post-apartheid military operation, troops were ordered in September 1998 into Lesotho to protect the government of Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili after a disputed election prompted opposition uprisings. The action was not authorised by Mandela himself, who was out of the country at the time, but by Buthelezi, who was serving as acting president during Mandela’s absence.[303]

Withdrawing from politics

In the latter part of his presidency, Mandela increasingly relied on his Deputy President, Thabo Mbeki (pictured)

The new Constitution of South Africa was agreed upon by parliament in May 1996, enshrining a series of institutions to place checks on political and administrative authority within a constitutional democracy.[304] De Klerk opposed the implementation of this constitution, and that month he and the National Party withdrew from the coalition government in protest, claiming that the ANC were not treating them as equals.[305] The ANC took over the cabinet positions formerly held by the Nationalists, with Mbeki becoming sole Deputy President.[306] Inkatha remained part of the coalition,[307] and when both Mandela and Mbeki were out of the country in September 1998, Buthelezi was appointed “Acting President”, marking an improvement in his relationship with Mandela.[308] Although Mandela had often governed decisively in his first two years as President,[309] he had subsequently increasingly delegated duties to Mbeki, retaining only a close personal supervision of intelligence and security measures.[310] During a 1997 visit to London, he said that “the ruler of South Africa, the de facto ruler, is Thabo Mbeki” and that he was “shifting everything to him”.[309]

Mandela stepped down as ANC President at the party’s December 1997 conference. He hoped that Ramaphosa would succeed him, believing Mbeki to be too inflexible and intolerant of criticism, but the ANC elected Mbeki regardless.[311] Mandela and the Executive supported Jacob Zuma, a Zulu who had been imprisoned on Robben Island, as Mbeki’s replacement for Deputy President. Zuma’s candidacy was challenged by Winnie, whose populist rhetoric had gained her a strong following within the party, although Zuma defeated her in a landslide victory vote at the election.[312]

Mandela’s relationship with Machel had intensified; in February 1998, he publicly stated that he was “in love with a remarkable lady”, and under pressure from Tutu, who urged him to set an example for young people, he organised a wedding for his 80th birthday, in July that year.[313] The following day, he held a grand party with many foreign dignitaries.[314] Although the 1996 constitution allowed the president to serve two consecutive five-year terms, Mandela had never planned to stand for a second term in office. He gave his farewell speech to Parliament on 29 March 1999 when it adjourned prior to the 1999 general elections, after which he retired.[315] Although opinion polls in South Africa showed wavering support for both the ANC and the government, Mandela himself remained highly popular, with 80% of South Africans polled in 1999 expressing satisfaction with his performance as president.[316]

Retirement

Continued activism and philanthropy: 1999–2004

Mandela visiting the London School of Economics in 2000

Retiring in June 1999, Mandela aimed to lead a quiet family life, divided between Johannesburg and Qunu. Although he set about authoring a sequel to his first autobiography, to be titled The Presidential Years, it was abandoned before publication.[317] Mandela found such seclusion difficult and reverted to a busy public life involving daily programme of tasks, meetings with world leaders and celebrities, and—when in Johannesburg—working with the Nelson Mandela Foundation, founded in 1999 to focus on rural development, school construction, and combating HIV/AIDS.[318] Although he had been heavily criticised for failing to do enough to fight the HIV/AIDS pandemic during his presidency, he devoted much of his time to the issue following his retirement, describing it as “a war” that had killed more than “all previous wars”; affiliating himself with the Treatment Action Campaign, he urged Mbeki’s government to ensure that HIV-positive South Africans had access to anti-retrovirals.[319] Meanwhile, Mandela was successfully treated for prostate cancer in July 2001.[320][321]

In 2002, Mandela inaugurated the Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture, and in 2003 the Mandela Rhodes Foundation was created at Rhodes HouseUniversity of Oxford, to provide postgraduate scholarships to African students. These projects were followed by the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory and the 46664 campaign against HIV/AIDS.[322] He gave the closing address at the XIII International AIDS Conference in Durban in 2000,[323] and in 2004, spoke at the XV International AIDS Conference in Bangkok, Thailand, calling for greater measures to tackle tuberculosis as well as HIV/AIDS.[324] Mandela publicised AIDS as the cause of his son Makgatho‘s death in January 2005, to defy the stigma about discussing the disease.[325]

Publicly, Mandela became more vocal in criticising Western powers. He strongly opposed the 1999 NATO intervention in Kosovo and called it an attempt by the world’s powerful nations to police the entire world.[326] In 2003, he spoke out against the plans for the US and UK to launch a war in Iraq, describing it as “a tragedy” and lambasting US President George W. Bush and UK Prime Minister Tony Blair for undermining the UN, saying, “All that (Mr. Bush) wants is Iraqi oil“.[327] He attacked the US more generally, asserting that it had committed more “unspeakable atrocities” across the world than any other nation, citing the atomic bombing of Japan; this attracted international controversy, although he later improved his relationship with Blair.[328][329] Retaining an interest in Libyan-UK relations, he visited Megrahi in Barlinnie prison and spoke out against the conditions of his treatment, referring to them as “psychological persecution”.[330]

“Retiring from retirement”: 2004–2013

In June 2004, aged 85 and amid failing health, Mandela announced that he was “retiring from retirement” and retreating from public life, remarking, “Don’t call me, I will call you.”[331] Although continuing to meet with close friends and family, the Foundation discouraged invitations for him to appear at public events and denied most interview requests.[320]

Nelson Mandela and President George W. Bush in the Oval Office, May 2005

He retained some involvement in international affairs. In 2005, he founded the Nelson Mandela Legacy Trust,[332] travelling to the US to speak before the Brookings Institution and the NAACP on the need for economic assistance to Africa.[332][333] He spoke with US Senator Hillary Clinton and President George W. Bush and first met the then-Senator Barack Obama.[333] Mandela also encouraged Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe to resign over growing human rights abuses in the country. When this proved ineffective, he spoke out publicly against Mugabe in 2007, asking him to step down “with residual respect and a modicum of dignity.”[334] That year, Mandela, Machel, and Desmond Tutu convened a group of world leaders in Johannesburg to contribute their wisdom and independent leadership to some of the world’s toughest problems. Mandela announced the formation of this new group, The Elders, in a speech delivered on his 89th birthday.[335]

Mandela’s 90th birthday was marked across the country on 18 July 2008, with the main celebrations held at Qunu,[336] and a concert in his honour in Hyde Park, London.[337] In a speech marking the event, Mandela called for the rich to help the poor across the world.[336] Throughout Mbeki’s presidency, Mandela continued to support the ANC, usually overshadowing Mbeki at any public events that the two attended. Mandela was more at ease with Mbeki’s successor, Zuma,[338] although the Nelson Mandela Foundation was upset when his grandson, Mandla Mandela, flew him out to the Eastern Cape to attend a pro-Zuma rally in the midst of a storm in 2009.[338]

In 2004, Mandela successfully campaigned for South Africa to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup, declaring that there would be “few better gifts for us” in the year marking a decade since the fall of apartheid.[339] Despite maintaining a low profile during the event due to ill-health, Mandela made his final public appearance during the World Cup closing ceremony, where he received much applause.[340][341] Between 2005 and 2013, Mandela, and later his family, were embroiled in a series of legal disputes regarding money held in family trusts for the benefit of his descendants.[342] In mid-2013, as Mandela was hospitalised for a lung infection in Pretoria, his descendants were involved in an intra-family legal dispute relating to the burial place of Mandela’s children, and ultimately Mandela himself.[343]

Illness and death: 2011–2013

Members of the public paying their respects outside Mandela’s Houghton home

In February 2011, Mandela was briefly hospitalised with a respiratory infection, attracting international attention,[344][345] before being re-admitted for a lung infection and gallstone removal in December 2012.[346][347] After a successful medical procedure in early March 2013,[348] his lung infection recurred and he was briefly hospitalised in Pretoria.[349] In June 2013, his lung infection worsened and he was readmitted to a Pretoria hospital in serious condition.[350] The Archbishop of Cape Town Thabo Makgoba visited Mandela at the hospital and prayed with Machel,[351] while Zuma cancelled a trip to Mozambique to visit him the following day.[352] In September 2013, Mandela was discharged from hospital,[353] although his condition remained unstable.[354]

After suffering from a prolonged respiratory infection, Mandela died on 5 December 2013 at the age of 95, at around 20:50 local time (UTC+2) at his home in Houghton, surrounded by his family.[355][356] Zuma publicly announced his death on television,[355][357] proclaiming ten days of national mourning, a memorial service held at Johannesburg’s FNB Stadium on 10 December 2013, and 8 December as a national day of prayer and reflection. Mandela’s body lay in state from 11 to 13 December at the Union Buildings in Pretoria and a state funeral was held on 15 December in Qunu.[358][359] Approximately 90 representatives of foreign states travelled to South Africa to attend memorial events.[360] It was later revealed that 300 million rand originally earmarked for humanitarian development projects had been redirected to finance the funeral.[361] The media was awash with tributes and reminiscences,[362] while images of and tributes to Mandela proliferated across social media.[363] His US$4.1 million estate was left to his widow, other family members, staff, and educational institutions.[364]

Political ideology

A friend once asked me how I could reconcile my creed of African nationalism with a belief in dialectical materialism. For me, there was no contradiction. I was first and foremost an African nationalist fighting for our emancipation from minority rule and the right to control our own destiny. But at the same time, South Africa and the African continent were part of the larger world. Our problems, while distinctive and special, were not unique, and a philosophy that placed those problems in an international and historical context of the greater world and the course of history was valuable. I was prepared to use whatever means necessary to speed up the erasure of human prejudice and the end of chauvinistic and violent nationalism.

—Nelson Mandela, 1994[365]

Mandela was a practical politician, rather than an intellectual scholar or political theorist.[366] According to biographer Tom Lodge, “for Mandela, politics has always been primarily about enacting stories, about making narratives, primarily about morally exemplary conduct, and only secondarily about ideological vision, more about means rather than ends.”[367] Mandela identified as both an African nationalist, an ideological position he held since joining the ANC,[368] and as a socialist.[369]

The historian Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni described Mandela as a “liberal African nationalist–decolonial humanist”,[370] while political analyst Raymond Suttner cautioned against labelling Mandela a liberal and stated that Mandela displayed a “hybrid socio-political make-up”.[371] Mandela took political ideas from other thinkers—among them Indian independence leaders like Gandhi and Nehru, African-American civil rights activists, and African nationalists like Nkrumah—and applied them to the South African situation. At the same time he rejected other aspects of their thought, such as the anti-white sentiment of many African nationalists.[372] In doing so he synthesised both counter-cultural and hegemonic views, for instance by drawing upon ideas from the then-dominant Afrikaner nationalism in promoting his anti-apartheid vision.[373]

His political development was strongly influenced by his legal training and practice, in particular his hope to achieve change not through violence but through “legal revolution”.[374] Over the course of his life, he began by advocating a path of non-violence, later embracing violence, and then adopting a non-violent approach to negotiation and reconciliation.[375] When endorsing violence, he did so because he saw no alternative, and was always pragmatic about it, perceiving it as a means to get his opponent to the negotiating table.[376] He sought to target symbols of white supremacy and racist oppression rather than white people as individuals, and was anxious not to inaugurate a race war in South Africa.[377] This willingness to use violence distinguishes Mandela from the ideology of Gandhism, with which some commentators have sought to associate him.[378]

Democracy

Although he presented himself in an autocratic manner in several speeches, Mandela was a devout believer in democracy and abided by majority decisions even when deeply disagreeing with them.[379] He had exhibited a commitment to the values of democracy and human rights since at least the 1960s.[380] He held a conviction that “inclusivity, accountability and freedom of speech” were the fundamentals of democracy,[381] and was driven by a belief in natural and human rights.[382] Suttner argued that there were “two modes of leadership” that Mandela adopted. On one side he adhered to ideas about collective leadership, although on the other believed that there were scenarios in which a leader had to be decisive and act without consultation to achieve a particular objective.[383]

According to Lodge, Mandela’s political thought reflected tensions between his support for liberal democracy and pre-colonial African forms of consensus decision making.[384] He was an admirer of British-style parliamentary democracy,[370] stating that “I regard the British Parliament as the most democratic institution in the world, and the independence and impartiality of its judiciary never fail to arouse my admiration.”[370] In this he has been described as being committed to “the Euro-North American modernist project of emancipation”, something which distinguishes him from other African nationalist and socialist leaders like Nyerere who were concerned about embracing styles of democratic governance that were Western, rather than African, in origin.[370] Mandela nevertheless also expressed admiration for what he deemed to be indigenous forms of democracy, describing Xhosa traditional society’s mode of governance as “democracy in its purest form”.[370] He also spoke of an influential African ethical tenet, Ubuntu, which was a Ngnuni term meaning “A person is a person through other persons” or “I am because we are.”[385]

Socialism and Marxism

1988 Soviet commemorative stamp, captioned “The fighter for freedom of South Africa Nelson Mandela” in Russian

Mandela advocated the ultimate establishment of a classless society,[386] with Sampson describing him as being “openly opposed to capitalism, private land-ownership and the power of big money”.[387] Mandela was influenced by Marxism, and during the revolution he advocated scientific socialism.[388] He denied being a communist at the Treason Trial,[389] and maintained this stance both when later talking to journalists,[390] and in his autobiography.[391] According to the sociologist Craig Soudien, “sympathetic as Mandela was to socialism, a communist he was not.”[392] Conversely, the biographer David Jones Smith stated that Mandela “embraced communism and communists” in the late 1950s and early 1960s,[393] while the historian Stephen Ellis commented that Mandela had assimilated much of the Marxist–Leninist ideology by 1960.[394]

Ellis also found evidence that Mandela had been an active member of the South African Communist Party during the late 1950s and early 1960s,[119] something that was confirmed after his death by both the ANC and the SACP, the latter of which claimed that he was not only a member of the party, but also served on its Central Committee.[121] His membership had been hidden by the ANC, aware that knowledge of Mandela’s former SACP involvement might have been detrimental to his attempts to attract support from Western countries.[395] Mandela’s view of these Western governments differed from those of Marxist–Leninists, for he did not believe that they were anti-democratic or reactionary and remained committed to democratic systems of governance.[396]

The 1955 Freedom Charter, which Mandela had helped create, called for the nationalisation of banks, gold mines and land, to ensure equal distribution of wealth.[397] Despite these beliefs, Mandela initiated a programme of privatisation during his presidency in line with trends in other countries of the time.[398] It has been repeatedly suggested that Mandela would have preferred to develop a social democratic economy in South Africa but that this was not feasible as a result of the international political and economic situation during the early 1990s.[398] This decision was in part influenced by the fall of the socialist states in the Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc during the early 1990s.[399]

Personality and personal life

Mandela on a visit to Australia in 2009; he is wearing one of the brightly coloured garments that became known as “Madiba shirts”

Mandela was widely considered a charismatic leader,[400] described by biographer Mary Benson as “a born mass leader who could not help magnetizing people”.[401] He was highly image conscious and throughout his life always sought out fine quality clothes, with many commentators believing that he carried himself in a regal manner.[402] His aristocratic heritage was repeatedly emphasised by supporters, thus contributing to his “charismatic power”.[403] While living in Johannesburg in the 1950s, he cultivated the image of the “African gentleman”, having “the pressed clothes, correct manners, and modulated public speech” associated with such a position.[404] In doing so, Lodge argued that Mandela became “one of the first media politicians … embodying a glamour and a style that projected visually a brave new African world of modernity and freedom”.[367] Mandela was known to change his clothes several times a day, and he became so associated with highly coloured Batik shirts after assuming the presidency that they came to be known as “Madiba shirts“.[405][406]

For political scientists Betty Glad and Robert Blanton, Mandela was an “exceptionally intelligent, shrewd, and loyal leader”.[407] His official biographer, Anthony Sampson, commented that he was a “master of imagery and performance”, excelling at presenting himself well in press photographs and producing sound bites.[408] His public speeches were presented in a formal, stiff manner, and often consisted of clichéd set phrases.[409] He typically spoke slowly, and carefully chose his words.[410] Although he was not considered a great orator, his speeches conveyed “his personal commitment, charm and humour”.[411]

Mandela was a private person who often concealed his emotions and confided in very few people.[412] Privately, he lived an austere life, refusing to drink alcohol or smoke, and even as President made his own bed.[413] Renowned for his mischievous sense of humour,[414] he was known for being both stubborn and loyal,[415] and at times exhibited a quick temper.[416] He was typically friendly and welcoming, and appeared relaxed in conversation with everyone, including his opponents.[417] A self-described Anglophile, he claimed to have lived by the “trappings of British style and manners”.[418] Constantly polite and courteous, he was attentive to all, irrespective of their age or status, and often talked to children or servants.[419] He was known for his ability to find common ground with very different communities.[420] In later life, he always looked for the best in people, even defending political opponents to his allies, who sometimes thought him too trusting of others.[421] He was fond of Indian cuisine,[422] and had a lifelong interest in archaeology[423] and boxing.[424]

The significance of Mandela can be considered in two related ways. First, he has provided through his personal presence as a benign and honest conviction politician, skilled at exerting power but not obsessed with it to the point of view of excluding principles, a man who struggled to display respect to all … Second, in so doing he was able to be a hero and a symbol to an array of otherwise unlikely mates through his ability, like all brilliant nationalist politicians, to speak to very different audiences effectively at once.

—Bill Freund, academic[425]

He was raised in the Methodist denomination of Christianity; the Methodist Church of Southern Africa claimed that he retained his allegiance to them throughout his life.[426] On analysing Mandela’s writings, the theologian Dion Forster described him as a Christian humanist, although added that his thought relied to a greater extent on the Southern African concept of Ubuntu than on Christian theology.[427] According to Sampson, Mandela never had “a strong religious faith” however,[428] while Boehmer stated that Mandela’s religious belief was “never robust”.[429]

Mandela was very self-conscious about being a man and regularly made references to manhood.[430] He was heterosexual,[431] and biographer Fatima Meer said that he was “easily tempted” by women.[432] Another biographer, Martin Meredith, characterised him as being “by nature a romantic”, highlighting that he had relationships with various women.[433] Mandela was married three times, fathered six children, and had seventeen grandchildren and at least seventeen great-grandchildren.[434] He could be stern and demanding of his children, although he was more affectionate with his grandchildren.[435] His first marriage was to Evelyn Ntoko Mase in October 1944;[436] they divorced in March 1958 under the multiple strains of his adultery and constant absences, devotion to revolutionary agitation, and the fact that she was a Jehovah’s Witness, a religion requiring political neutrality.[437] Mandela’s second wife was the social worker Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, whom he married in June 1958.[438] They divorced in March 1996.[439] Mandela married his third wife, Graça Machel, on his 80th birthday in July 1998.[440]

Reception and legacy

Flowers left at the Mandela statue in London’s Parliament Square following his death

By the time of his death, within South Africa Mandela was widely considered both “the father of the nation”[441] and “the founding father of democracy”.[442] Outside of South Africa, he was a “global icon”,[443] with the scholar of South African studies Rita Barnard describing him as “one of the most revered figures of our time”.[444] One biographer considered him “a modern democratic hero”,[445] while his popularity resulted in a cult of personality building up around him.[446] Some have portrayed Mandela in messianic terms,[447] in contrast to his own statement that “I was not a messiah, but an ordinary man who had become a leader because of extraordinary circumstances.”[448] He is often cited alongside Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. as one of the 20th century’s exemplary anti-racist and anti-colonial leaders.[449] Boehmer described him as “a totem of the totemic values of our age: toleration and liberal democracy”[450] and “a universal symbol of social justice”.[451]

Mandela’s international fame had emerged during his incarceration in the 1980s, when he became the world’s most famous prisoner, a symbol of the anti-apartheid cause, and an icon for millions who embraced the ideal of human equality.[254] In 1986, Mandela’s biographer characterised him as “the embodiment of the struggle for liberation” in South Africa.[452] Meredith stated that in becoming “a potent symbol of resistance” to apartheid during the 1980s, he had gained “mythical status” internationally.[453] Sampson commented that even during his life, this myth had become “so powerful that it blurs the realities”, converting Mandela into “a secular saint”.[454] Within a decade of the end of his Presidency, Mandela’s era was being widely thought of as “a golden age of hope and harmony”,[455] with much nostalgia being expressed for it.[456] His name was often invoked by those criticising his successors like Mbeki and Zuma.[457] Across the world, Mandela earned international acclaim for his activism in overcoming apartheid and fostering racial reconciliation,[413] coming to be viewed as “a moral authority” with a great “concern for truth”.[458] Mandela’s iconic status has been blamed for concealing the complexities of his life.[459]

Mandela generated controversy throughout his career as an activist and politician,[446] having detractors on both the right and the radical left.[460] During the 1980s, Mandela was widely labelled a terrorist by prominent political figures in the Western world for his embrace of political violence.[461] According to Thatcher, for instance, the ANC was “a typical terrorist organisation”.[462] The US government’s State and Defense departments officially designated the ANC as a terrorist organisation, resulting in Mandela remaining on their terrorism watch-list until 2008.[463] On the left, some voices in the ANC—among them Frank B. Wilderson III—accused him of selling out for agreeing to enter negotiations with the apartheid government and for not implementing the reforms of the Freedom Charter during his Presidency.[464] According to Barnard, “there is also a sense in which his chiefly bearing and mode of conduct, the very respect and authority he accrued in representing his nation in his own person, went against the spirit of democracy”,[446] and concerns were similarly expressed that he placed his own status and celebrity above the transformation of his country.[465] His government would be criticised for its failure to deal with both the HIV/AIDS pandemic and the high levels of poverty in South Africa.[446] Mandela was also criticised for his friendship with political leaders such as Castro, Gaddafi, and Suharto—deemed dictators by critics—as well as his refusal to condemn their governments’ human rights violations.[466]

Orders, decorations, monuments, and honours

A bronze statue of Nelson and Winnie Mandela, The Long March to Freedom, at Maropeng

Over the course of his life, Mandela was given over 250 awards, accolades, prizes, honorary degrees and citizenships in recognition of his political achievements.[467] Among his awards were the Nobel Peace Prize,[228] the US Presidential Medal of Freedom,[468] the Soviet Union’s Lenin Peace Prize,[467] and the Libyan Al-Gaddafi International Prize for Human Rights.[469] In 1990, India awarded him the Bharat Ratna,[470] and in 1992 Pakistan gave him their Nishan-e-Pakistan.[471] The same year, he was awarded the Atatürk Peace Award by Turkey; he at first refused the award, citing human rights violations committed by Turkey at the time,[472] but later accepted the award in 1999.[467] He was appointed to the Order of Isabella the Catholic[473] and the Order of Canada,[474] and was the first living person to be made an honorary Canadian citizen.[475] Queen Elizabeth II appointed him as a Bailiff Grand Cross of the Order of St. John and granted him membership in the Order of Merit.[476]

In 2004, Johannesburg granted Mandela the Freedom of the City,[477] and in 2008 a Mandela statue was unveiled at the spot where Mandela was released from prison.[478] On the Day of Reconciliation 2013, a bronze statue of Mandela was unveiled at Pretoria’s Union Buildings.[479] In November 2009, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed Mandela’s birthday, 18 July, as “Mandela Day“, marking his contribution to the anti-apartheid struggle. It called on individuals to donate 67 minutes to doing something for others, commemorating the 67 years that Mandela had been a part of the movement.[480] In 2015 the UN General Assembly named the amended Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners as “the Mandela Rules” to honour his legacy.[481]

Biographies and popular media

The first biography of Mandela was authored by Mary Benson, based on brief interviews with him that she had conducted in the 1960s.[482] Two authorised biographies were later produced by friends of Mandela.[483] The first was Fatima Meer’s Higher Than Hope, which was heavily influenced by Winnie and thus placed great emphasis on Mandela’s family.[484] The second was Anthony Sampson’s Mandela, published in 1999.[483] Other biographies included Martin Meredith’s Mandela, first published in 1997, and Tom Lodge’s Mandela, brought out in 2006.[483]

Since the late 1980s, Mandela’s image began to appear on a proliferation of items, among them “photographs, paintings, drawings, statues, public murals, buttons, t-shirts, refrigerator magnets, and more”,[363] items that have been characterised as “Mandela kitsch”.[485] In the 1980s he was the subject of several songs, such as The Specials‘ “Free Nelson Mandela“, Hugh Masekela‘s “Bring Him Back Home (Nelson Mandela)“, and Johnny Clegg‘s “Asimbonanga (Mandela)“, which helped to bring awareness of his imprisonment to an international audience.[486]

Following his death, many internet memes appeared featuring images of Mandela with his inspirational quotes superimposed onto them.[363] Mandela has also been depicted in films on multiple occasions.[487] Some of these, such as the 2013 feature film Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom and the 1996 documentary Mandela, have focused on covering his long life, whereas others, such as the 2009 feature film Invictus and the 2010 documentary The 16th Man, have focused on specific events in his life.[487] It has been argued that in Invictus and other films, “the America film industry” has played a significant part in “the crafting of Mandela’s global image”.[488]

See also

References

Footnotes

  1. ^ “Mandela”Collins English DictionaryArchived from the original on 5 April 2016. Retrieved 17 December 2013.
  2. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 3; Boehmer 2008, p. 21; Smith 2010, p. 17; Sampson 2011, p. 3.
  3. ^ Mandela used the spelling Rolihlahla, see for example official websitePeter Mtuze notes that the orthography of Xhosanames has changed since the time of Mandela’s schooling, and that it would now be written Rholihlahla. (Mandela’s Long Walk to Freedom: the isiXhosa translator’s tall order. Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 2003, 21(3), 141–152.)
  4. ^ Benson 1986, p. 16; Mandela 1994, p. 3; Smith 2010, p. 17; Meredith 2010, p. 2; Sampson 2011, p. 3.
  5. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 4; Lodge 2006, p. 2; Smith 2010, p. 16.
  6. ^ Meer 1988, p. 3; Guiloineau & Rowe 2002, p. 23; Meredith 2010, p. 1.
  7. ^ Guiloineau & Rowe 2002, p. 26.
  8. ^ Guiloineau & Rowe 2002, p. 26; Lodge 2006, p. 1; Mafela 2008, pp. 102–103.
  9. ^ Smith 2010, p. 19.
  10. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 8–9; Smith 2010, pp. 21–22; Sampson 2011, p. 4.
  11. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 17; Meredith 2010, p. 1.
  12. ^ Benson 1986, p. 15; Mandela 1994, pp. 7–8; Smith 2010, pp. 16, 23–24; Meredith 2010, pp. 1, 3; Sampson 2011, p. 4.
  13. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 19.
  14. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 15; Meredith 2010, p. 3.
  15. ^ Benson 1986, p. 16; Mandela 1994, p. 12; Smith 2010, pp. 23–24; Meredith 2010, pp. 2, 4.
  16. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 18–19; Lodge 2006, p. 3; Smith 2010, p. 24; Meredith 2010, pp. 2, 4–5; Sampson 2011, pp. 5,7; Forster 2014, pp. 91–92.
  17. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 20; Lodge 2006, p. 3; Smith 2010, p. 25; Meredith 2010, p. 5; Sampson 2011, p. 7.
  18. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 8, 20.
  19. ^ Benson 1986, p. 17; Meer 1988, p. 4; Mandela 1994, pp. 22–25; Lodge 2006, p. 3; Smith 2010, pp. 26–27; Meredith 2010, p. 5; Sampson 2011, pp. 7–9.
  20. ^ Meer 1988, p. 7; Mandela 1994, pp. 27–29; Meredith 2010, pp. 8–9.
  21. ^ Meer 1988, p. 7; Mandela 1994, p. 25; Smith 2010, p. 27; Meredith 2010, p. 9.
  22. ^ Meer 1988, pp. 11–12; Mandela 1994, pp. 31–34; Lodge 2006, p. 3; Smith 2010, p. 18; Meredith 2010, p. 8.
  23. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 43; Meredith 2010, p. 11.
  24. ^ Benson 1986, p. 17; Mandela 1994, pp. 36–42; Lodge 2006, p. 8; Smith 2010, pp. 29–31; Meredith 2010, pp. 9–11; Sampson 2011, p. 14.
  25. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 45–47; Smith 2010, pp. 27, 31; Meredith 2010, pp. 12–13; Sampson 2011, p. 15.
  26. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 48–50.
  27. ^ Sampson 2011, p. 17.
  28. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 52; Smith 2010, pp. 31–32; Meredith 2010, p. 14; Sampson 2011, pp. 17–18.
  29. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 53–54; Smith 2010, p. 32; Meredith 2010, pp. 14–15; Sampson 2011, pp. 18–21.
  30. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 56; Smith 2010, p. 32; Meredith 2010, p. 15.
  31. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 62–65; Lodge 2006, p. 9; Smith 2010, pp. 33–34; Meredith 2010, pp. 15–18; Sampson 2011, pp. 21, 25.
  32. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 62–63; Smith 2010, pp. 33–34; Meredith 2010, pp. 17–19; Sampson 2011, pp. 24–25.
  33. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 67–69; Smith 2010, p. 34; Meredith 2010, p. 18; Sampson 2011, p. 25.
  34. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 68; Lodge 2006, p. 10; Smith 2010, p. 35; Meredith 2010, p. 18; Sampson 2011, p. 25.
  35. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 68; Lodge 2006, p. 10; Meredith 2010, p. 18; Forster 2014, p. 93.
  36. ^ Sampson 2011, p. 25.
  37. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 70–71; Lodge 2006, p. 11; Meredith 2010, p. 19; Sampson 2011, p. 26.
  38. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 66; Smith 2010, p. 34.
  39. ^ Benson 1986, p. 21; Mandela 1994, pp. 78–86; Lodge 2006, pp. 11–12; Smith 2010, pp. 34–35; Meredith 2010, pp. 19–20; Sampson 2011, pp. 26–27.
  40. ^ Benson 1986, p. 21; Mandela 1994, pp. 73–76; Lodge 2006, p. 12; Smith 2010, pp. 36–39; Meredith 2010, pp. 20–22; Sampson 2011, pp. 27–28.
  41. ^ Benson 1986, p. 23; Meer 1988, pp. 25–26; Mandela 1994, pp. 89–94; Lodge 2006, pp. 12–13; Smith 2010, p. 40; Meredith 2010, pp. 27–28; Sampson 2011, pp. 29–30.
  42. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 96–101; Lodge 2006, pp. 13, 19–21; Smith 2010, p. 41; Meredith 2010, pp. 28–30; Sampson 2011, pp. 30–31.
  43. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 104–105; Lodge 2006, pp. 22, 31–32; Smith 2010, pp. 43, 48; Meredith 2010, pp. 31–32; Sampson 2011, pp. 32–33.
  44. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 106; Smith 2010, pp. 48–49.
  45. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 100; Smith 2010, p. 44; Meredith 2010, p. 33; Sampson 2011, p. 34.
  46. ^ Benson 1986, p. 23; Meer 1988, p. 26; Mandela 1994, pp. 99, 108–110; Smith 2010, pp. 44–45; Meredith 2010, p. 33; Sampson 2011, p. 33.
  47. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 113–116; Lodge 2006, p. 23; Smith 2010, pp. 45–46; Sampson 2011, p. 33.
  48. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 118–119; Lodge 2006, p. 24; Meredith 2010, p. 33; Sampson 2011, p. 34.
  49. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 116–117, 119–120; Lodge 2006, p. 22; Smith 2010, p. 47; Meredith 2010, pp. 33–34; Sampson 2011, p. 33.
  50. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 122, 126–27; Smith 2010, p. 49; Meredith 2010, p. 34; Sampson 2011, p. 34.
  51. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 135.
  52. ^ Meer 1988, pp. 33–34; Mandela 1994, pp. 127–131; Smith 2010, pp. 64–65; Meredith 2010, pp. 34–35; Sampson 2011, pp. 34–35.
  53. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 122–123; Lodge 2006, pp. 27–28; Smith 2010, p. 48; Meredith 2010, p. 44; Sampson 2011, p. 37.
  54. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 136; Smith 2010, p. 53; Meredith 2010, pp. 36, 43.
  55. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 137–139; Lodge 2006, pp. 33–34; Smith 2010, p. 53; Meredith 2010, pp. 42–43; Sampson 2011, pp. 38–39.
  56. ^ Benson 1986, p. 31; Meer 1988, pp. 34–35; Mandela 1994, pp. 142–143; Smith 2010, p. 54.
  57. ^ Benson 1986, pp. 28–29; Mandela 1994, pp. 139–143; Lodge 2006, p. 35; Smith 2010, pp. 52–56; Meredith 2010, pp. 44–46; Sampson 2011, pp. 39–41.
  58. ^ Smith 2010, p. inset photographs.
  59. ^ Benson 1986, p. 24; Meer 1988, pp. 39–40; Mandela 1994, pp. 144, 148–149; Lodge 2006, pp. 24, 25; Smith 2010, pp. 59–62; Meredith 2010, p. 47; Sampson 2011, p. 36.
  60. ^ Meer 1988, pp. 40–41; Mandela 1994, pp. 149, 152; Lodge 2006, p. 29; Smith 2010, pp. 60–64; Meredith 2010, p. 48; Sampson 2011, p. 36.
  61. ^ Meer 1988, p. 40; Mandela 1994, pp. 150, 210; Lodge 2006, p. 30; Smith 2010, p. 67; Meredith 2010, p. 48; Sampson 2011, p. 36.
  62. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 151; Smith 2010, p. 64; Meredith 2010, pp. 48–49.
  63. ^ Benson 1986, p. 36; Meer 1988, p. 43; Mandela 1994, pp. 153–154; Smith 2010, p. 66; Sampson 2011, p. 48.
  64. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 154; Sampson 2011, p. 42.
  65. ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 154–157; Lodge 2006, p. 37; Smith 2010, p. 66; Sampson 2011, p. 49.
  66. ^ Benson 1986, p. 35; Mandela 1994, pp. 159–162; Lodge 2006, pp. 41–42; Smith 2010, pp. 70–72; Meredith 2010, pp. 76–78; Sampson 2011, pp. 51–52.
  67. ^ Benson 1986, pp. 36–37; Mandela 1994, pp. 162–165; Lodge 2006, p. 44; Smith 2010, pp. 72–73; Meredith 2010, pp. 78–79; Sampson 2011, pp. 53–55.
  68. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 165.
  69. ^ Smith 2010, pp. 68–70; Sampson 2011, p. 35.
  70. ^ Benson 1986, p. 26.
  71. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 168; Lodge 2006, p. 44; Sampson 2011, pp. 55–56.
  72. ^ Benson 1986, p. 41; Mandela 1994, p. 176; Lodge 2006, p. 47; Smith 2010, p. 78; Meredith 2010, p. 88; Sampson 2011, pp. 63–64.
  73. ^ Benson 1986, pp. 38–40; Meer 1988, pp. 48–49; Mandela 1994, pp. 165–167; Smith 2010, pp. 74–75; Meredith 2010, pp. 81–83; Sampson 2011, pp. 61–62.
  74. ^ Mandela 1994, p. 176; Smith 2010, p. 78; Sampson 2011, pp. 63–64.
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  119. Jump up to:a b Ellis 2011, pp. 667–668.
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  211. Jump up to:a b Meredith 2010, pp. 412–413; Sampson 2011, pp. 424–427.
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  320. Jump up to:a b Battersby 2011, p. 598.
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  • Glad, Betty; Blanton, Robert (1997). “F. W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela: A Study in Cooperative Transformational Leadership”. Presidential Studies Quarterly. 27 (3): 565–590. JSTOR 27551769.
  • Guiloineau, Jean; Rowe, Joseph (2002). Nelson Mandela: The Early Life of Rolihlahla Madiba. Berkeley: North Atlantic Books. pp. 9–26ISBN 978-1-55643-417-4.
  • Herbst, Jeffrey (2003). “The Nature of South African Democracy: Political Dominance and Economic Inequality”. In Theodore K. Rabb; Ezra N. Suleiman (eds.). The Making and Unmaking of Democracy: Lessons from History and World Politics. London: Routledge. pp. 206–224. ISBN 978-0-415-93381-0.
  • Houston, Gregory; Muthien, Yvonne (2000). “Democracy and Governance in Transition”. In Yvonne Muthien; Meshack Khosa; Bernard Magubane (eds.). Democracy and Governance Review: Mandela’s Legacy 1994–1999. Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council Press. pp. 37–68. ISBN 978-0-7969-1970-0.
  • Hutton, Barbara (1994). Robben Island: Symbol of Resistance. Bellville: Pearson South Africa. ISBN 978-0-86877-417-6.
  • Kalumba, Kibujjo M. (1995). “The Political Philosophy of Nelson Mandela: A Primer”. Journal of Social Philosophy. 26 (3): 161–171. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9833.1995.tb00092.x.
  • Lodge, Tom (2006). Mandela: A Critical Life. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-921935-3.
  • Lukhele, Francis (2012). “Post-Prison Nelson Mandela: A ‘Made-in-America Hero“. Canadian Journal of African Studies. 46 (2): 289–301. doi:10.1080/00083968.2012.702088.
  • Mafela, Munzhedzi James (2008). “The Revelation of African Culture in Long Walk to Freedom“. In Anna Haebich; Frances Peters-Little; Peter Read (eds.). Indigenous Biography and Autobiography. Sydney: Humanities Research Centre, Australian National University. pp. 99–107. Archived from the original on 24 July 2013. Retrieved 15 June 2013.
  • Mandela, Nelson (1994). Long Walk to Freedom Volume I: 1918–1962. Little, Brown and Company. ISBN 978-0-7540-8723-6.
  • Mandela, Nelson (2004) [1994]. Long Walk to Freedom Volume II: 1962–1994 (large print ed.). London: BBC AudioBooks and Time Warner Books Ltd. ISBN 978-0-7540-8724-3.
  • Mangcu, Xolela (2013). “Retracing Nelson Mandela through the Lineage of Black Political Thought”. Transition. 112 (112): 101–116. doi:10.2979/transition.112.101.
  • Meer, Fatima (1988). Higher than Hope: The Authorized Biography of Nelson Mandela. London: Hamish Hamilton. ISBN 978-0-241-12787-2.
  • Meredith, Martin (2010). Mandela: A Biography. New York: PublicAffairs. ISBN 978-1-58648-832-1.
  • Muthien, Yvonne; Khosa, Meshack; Magubane, Bernard (2000). “Democracy and Governance in Transition”. In Yvonne Muthien; Meshack Khosa; Bernard Magubane (eds.). Democracy and Governance Review: Mandela’s Legacy 1994–1999. Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council Press. pp. 361–374. ISBN 978-0-7969-1970-0.
  • Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. (2014). “From a ‘Terrorist’ to Global Icon: A Critical Decolonial Ethical Tribute to Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela of South Africa”. Third World Quarterly. 35 (6): 905–921. doi:10.1080/01436597.2014.907703.
  • Oppenheim, Claire E. (2012). “Nelson Mandela and the Power of Ubuntu”. Religions. 3 (2): 369–388. doi:10.3390/rel3020369.
  • Soudien, Crain (2015). “Nelson Mandela, Robben Island and the Imagination of a New South Africa”. Journal of Southern African Studies. 41 (2): 353–366. doi:10.1080/03057070.2015.1012915.
  • Suttner, Raymond (2007). “(Mis)Understanding Nelson Mandela”. African Historical Review. 39 (2): 107–130. doi:10.1080/17532520701786202.
  • Suttner, Raymond (2014). “Nelson Mandela’s Masculinities”. African Identities. 12 (3–4): 342–356. doi:10.1080/14725843.2015.1009623.
  • Suttner, Raymond (2016). “I Was Not Born With a Hunger to Be Free’: Nelson Mandela’s Early Journeys towards Political Awareness”. Journal of Asian and African Studies. 51 (1): 17–31. doi:10.1177/0021909614541973.
  • Nelson, Steven (2014). “Nelson Mandela’s Two Bodies”. Transition. 116 (116): 130–142. doi:10.2979/transition.116.130.
  • Read, James H. (2010). “Leadership and power in Nelson Mandela’s Long Walk to Freedom“. Journal of Power. 3 (3): 317–339. doi:10.1080/17540291.2010.524792.
  • Sampson, Anthony (2011) [1999]. Mandela: The Authorised Biography. London: HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-00-743797-9.
  • Smith, David James (2010). Young Mandela. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-297-85524-8.
  • Tomaselli, Keyan; Tomaselli, Ruth (2003). “The Media and Mandela”. Safundi: The Journal of South African and American Studies. 4 (2): 1–10. doi:10.1080/17533170300404204.

External links

Political offices
Preceded by
F. W. de Klerk
as State President of South Africa
President of South Africa
1994–1999
Succeeded by
Thabo Mbeki
Party political offices
Preceded by
Oliver Tambo
President of the African National Congress
1991–1997
Succeeded by
Thabo Mbeki
Diplomatic posts
Preceded by
Andrés Pastrana Arango
Secretary General of Non-Aligned Movement
1998–1999
Succeeded by
Thabo Mbeki

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Maurice Kirk: what’s the story regarding the 2009 arrest and trial over the “dealing in machine guns” charge? -Transcript: Day 1 of the court hearing 29/01/2010 – 11 Feb. 2020 + archive

Maurice Kirk: the story is of such seriousness regarding Maurice’s 2009 arrest and 2010 trial over the “dealing in machine guns” charge which has seen Maurice forced to serve years in prison on numerous occasions since that trial, even though he was cleared of any wrongdoing by a jury back then. Why?

Police Machine Gun Conspiracy Trial (Day 1)

by mauricekirky

This concocted criminal allegation by the South Wales Police of my ‘being in possession of a prohibitive weapon’ C:\Users\Owner\Documents\MG Charges + MG5 was simply to stop my civil claims against them following their lost 50 odd malicious prosecutions over some nine years with no indication of abetting. Not only did the welsh judiciary ooze inherent deceit it also lost me a chunk of my life, my wife, my health my wealth and almost my sanity.

It was obvious by the 2nd day of evidence being given, to the remaining jury left in that restururant near the Cardiff Crown Court after my acquittlal, that both the trial judge, Paul Thomas and HM Prosecutor, Richard Thomlow, were thoroughly deceitful and ‘hell bent’ on getting me a mandatory 10 year prison term now that getting me sectioned in Ashworth had failed.   C:\Users\Owner\Documents\09 01 25 MG Transcript.pdf.

They noted  my not even being allowed my legal papers, confiscated by the custody staff and that the WW1 Lewis machine gun (Exibit1) had been simply brought in and out of court each day slung over the shoulder of some police sergeant off the street!

While the police officer ‘in charge’ of the case, being last to give evidence, was quietly slipping in and out of the hearing each good moment, over the two weeks, obviously to keep the next prosecution witness well briefed on how to modify their dirty scheme! mauricekirky | February 7, 2020 at 11:26 pm | 

Transcript: Day 1 of the court hearing 29 Jan. 2010 [pdf file –  to be continued with more transcripts]:

1 CR MKIRK, T20097445, KIRK, 29.01.10 (CARD) – WH v4

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Archive continues [from 2011]: https://www.butlincat.com/?s=maurice+kirk

Maurice’s site is https://www.mauricejohnkirk.com

Email:  maurice@kirkflyingvet.com

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Maurice Kirk: VIDEO: the Machine Gun charges and more 23 Jan. 2020 – 26 Jan. 2020 + archive

Another year of flagrant lying in Welsh Court by judges, QCs, barristers and shed loads of similarly deceitful solicitors all promised immunity to prosecution. DO COME 10am Cardiff County Court my no 07708586202 23 Jan. 2020

Maurice Kirk  on Facebook

Archive continueshttps://www.butlincat.com/?s=maurice+kirk

Maurice’s site is https://www.mauricejohnkirk.com

Email:  maurice@kirkflyingvet.com

Above: pic from late January 2018…3 weeks approx. later Maurice was to undergo 2 years in prison…which saw a new norm for hostilities…

Archive continues:

Maurice Kirk: Hearing at Cardiff Civic Centre 24 Jan. 2020 + archive 22 Jan. 2020

Come to Cardiff’s ‘Cacophony of Crime’ County Court on 24th

I was on remand in prison for ‘trading in machine guns’ only to receive a Cardiff County Court Judgement that I had won £50,000 from H for ‘False Imprisonment’.

The liars in Cardiff overturned the judgment saying someone on the public counter in court had possible failed to serve the summons but the police had received theirs, strangely! As with the 40 odd wins in the Cardiff corrupt criminal courts, in one of my many claims against Cardiff’s corrupt authorities, I was also refused the cash at the public counter or even for the court fee back!!. Then I was banned from the counter for 10 years with their deceitful regime not even reembursing me for any of the 9 years costs incurred when winning over 1oo criminal allegations.

The police/judges/prisons/Dolmans, solicitors joint multimillion fraud, that oozed out of all this welsh evilness, culminated in a black mailed doctor to knowingly write a sequence, against his wishes, of unqualified false reports that I was so seriously brain damaged I had to be locked away for life (for police to avoid the 14 damages claims, costing to date, in over two million pounds].

I enclose with invitation for you to attend yet another iniquitous court hearing of deceit some of the key documents to be quickly shredded by Judge Keiser QC…later or see facebook etc or tel 07708586202

Chris Daw QC takes Machine Gun Conspiracy Instructions Again

Just where did my full £5000 go to as nothing was done in my direction by way of either legal advice supplied or any court representation?

I have just been released from a vindictive two year prison term protracted only by further South Wales Police fictitious malicious criminal prosecutions. The lying Welsh judge, Tracy Lloyd Clarke, even boasted she did not have ‘the power’ for an outside police force, GMC or CPS obtaining the unlawfully withheld, by the police, MG6D, PII and MAPPA favourable evidence. Such is the state of the welsh courts for an Englishman so stupid to have crossed the bridge in the first place [see 17th Dec 2017 Cardiff Crown Court page 12C of official transcript].

None of your lot answered either Sabine McNeill’s or my communications or turned up to my Crown Court sentencing’ or clandestine ‘machine gun’ conspiracy 1CF03361 civil court hearings re scheduled for this Friday when knowing I would, again, not be allowed to attend.

Not only does Holborn Adams, solicitors,   https://www.holbornadams.com/team/chris-daw-qc/  refuse to return my brief with promised copies of the two meetings nor will the South Wales Police even allow G4S HMP Park to return any of my legal papers for this Friday’s further bloody nonsense despite promises from my parole officers, prison police liaison officers and Uncle John Copley and all. 

Into Africa?

My complaint to the Law Society, again about these lawyers, is a  fraudulent ‘set up, https://www.holbornadams.com/team/chris-daw-qc/  who will not confirm, again, if they will turn up to court, this time on Friday 24th Jan 2020 at 10am for 1CF03361 Cardiff County Court’s hearing. You will recall the solicitors had eagerly snatched my money but failed to attend either the criminal or civil court hearings without any explanation!

I ask for your help again to find me anyone to represent me on 24th January as I no longer have I the mental capacity after 28  years in the stench of welsh court rooms and G4S ‘beat-up’ when so violently ejecting me from HMP Park, Bridgend, simply to show off to the prisoners and steal all my legal papers. G4S refuse to hand over, as promised, after a 6 week hunger strike for them,  either machine gun conspiracy data or even more urgently, Caswell clinic, Glanrhyd Hospital  MAPPA3/3 fanciful medical evidence as it would clear my name to be restored to the veterinary register.

maurice@kirkflyingvet.com or Tel. 07708586202

South Wales Police Machine Gun Fraud reliant on False Medical Records

Claimant’s ‘Position Statement’ for 24th January 2020 Cardiff’s Civil Claim Hearing

1. On violent ejection from prison, by no less than eight G4S staff only acting under orders, he has a chance to see the official transcript revealing not just deceitful conduct by 2009 prosecutor, Richard Thomlow, throughout a near three week criminal trial transcript all read now for deliberate deceit by presiding judge, Paul Thomas, yet another wicked man hell bent on hiding the truth that the conspiracy had been originally based on fictitious unqualified medical reports obtained by police blackmail.

2. The proposed trial judge for the 1CF03361 civil claim trial for compensation, HHJ Keiser QC, appears to be no different, of course, to the past 17 judges so far in Cardiff, that have managed to cover-up this high level of deceit metered out by police HQ, prosecuting lawyers, prison and parole staff all in on the act . Read it on the official trial transcript.

3. In this past week, for example, the Claimant has travelled the length and breadth of England, well over one thousand miles for witnesses but not Wales, of course, as it is far too dangerous to enter for fear of yet another arrest on spurious grounds yet again.

4. Claimant’s gathered statements, of the first time, already given to police post acquittal, for a post-trial investigation have not been seen or heard of again, surprise, surprise.

5. One witness repeats his statement identifying the ‘gun’ having been bought from Claimant as all ‘black’ to be partly paint ‘silver’ only for it to be returned post-trial a third colour!

6. Another confirms the ‘gun’ in trial’ was brought into court each day by one policeman with it over his shoulder to 2nd week needing armed three police using a locked box to transport it!

7. Another witness again confirms he and his wife had been interviewed under police caution for ‘being in possession’ of a prohibited weapon contrary to s. 5 of the 1968 firearms Act.

8. Interesting, when you consider both he and his wife then gave prosecution evidence against the Claimant, facing a 10 year mandatory prison term, despite the South Wales Police having already known from the English police that the ‘gun’ was entirely a lawful possession.

9. Welsh police even knew Caswell clinic’s Glanrhyd Hospital staff, bar one, had confirmed Claimant displayed no traits of ‘Paranoid Delusional Disorder’ nor was he any danger to the general public or to himself as leaked in June 2009 MAPPA minutes. He was only a ‘serious risk’ to the then Chief Constable, very wicked Barbara Wilding, with her pet ‘shoot to kill’ policy as tested on attempting to ‘snatch’ our, then, 10 year old daughter, Genevieve.

Maurice J Kirk BVSc 19thJanuary 2020
mauricejohnkirk.com

Invite to 24th Jan South Wales Police Fraud/Machine Gun Hearing

2009 Extract of T20097445 Machine Gun Jury Trial

His Honour Judge Thomas: “Mr Kirk, I’ve had a letter this morning from Mr Werren, again about the medical notes. This seems to be in relation to an ENT appointment in Bristol. Am I right about that?”

Mr Kirk: “I, during around about August, paid money to make the Caswell Clinic release my psychiatric records for my legal advisers. They have deliberately withheld the important psychiatric reports that relate to their attempts to have me sectioned under 37/41 to serve an indeterminate prison sentence at a high security prison in order to prevent this case from progressing and the civil action from progressing”.

“Now, in law the Caswell Clinic, Dr xxxxxxxxx, he will be one of my witnesses later, should have released the medical records to my solicitor in, in Yorkshire. He used to be our local Member of Parliament in the Vale of Glamorgan, a grumpy old sod, ideal for the, our next Home Secretary,incidentally. I am not employing him because he refuses to charge a penny whenever I seek legal advice. So I’m pursuing it through this Court that the report by professor Roger Wood seriously affected the psychiatric report that the Royal College are using to overturn
a £1 million action in the local Court here that is on a deadline of 4:30 this afternoon”.

“The report is that His Honour Judge, is it Mr Judge North? North, I think it was, but you would know who he is, has said that if I do not produce a psychiatric report to show that I am fit to conduct the prosecution against the Royal College and South Wales Police in the civil action, I have all the papers with me, they, the, the Reliance are refusing to produce my
papers for the fourth day, which is another matter …

His Honour Judge Thomas: “You’ve got the papers with you, haven’t you, now?” NO.

FOR FRAUD TRANSCRIPT ring me on 07708586202 or maurice@kirkflyingvet.com

ALL the posts above from https://www.mauricejohnkirk.com

Archive here continueshttps://www.butlincat.com/?s=maurice+kirk

Maurice’s site is https://www.mauricejohnkirk.com

Email:  maurice@kirkflyingvet.com

 

Maurice Kirk: “10th Jan 2020 Complaint against HMP Parc South Wales G4S Staff” 12 Jan. 2010 + archive

All Welcome to Machine Gun Dolmans Solictors’ Fraud Exposure

10th Jan 2020 Complaint against HMP Parc South Wales G4S Staff

I, Maurice John Kirk, file complaints against HMP Parc, Bridgend, G4S custody staff for their seriously inflicting injuries, harassment and false imprisonment to cause numerous thefts of my possessions.

Serious Assaults                                                                                                               

 Incident 1900418801

  1. After my Feb 2019 unlawful ‘recall’ to prison from a Cardiff parole hostel I was assaulted on numerous occasions in Parc prison with one incident already reported over the ‘floor buffer’  on A2 wing. All required medical attention and captured on CCTV & body cameras. 
  2. The 2nd filmed significant assault was in June 2019 when I was forcibly removed from my 2nd missing wheel chair by unnecessary force from seven officers carrying me back to B block.
  3. The 3rd main incident was in Nov 2019 when I was snatched from my cell by unprovoked excessive force using no less than eight G4S officers using handcuffs on my wrists behind my back. This deliberate pain was inflicted continued from B wing to the main gate where I was ‘released’ for Bristol Royal Infirmary attention. This included x-rays due to my hip prosthesis having suffered partial subluxation of my hip joint and prescription analgesics for a month.
  4. The incidents have left me feeling severely intimidated, vulnerable and in constant pain.

Deliberate False Forensic History Yet Again

  1. In Sept & Dec18 G4S had inadvertently released Caswell Clinic medical data by fabricated police criminal convictions including ‘child abuse’, ‘firearms’, ‘narcotics’, ABH and ‘FTA’.
  2. Oct 19 HM Parole Board hearing, with evidence from a retired magistrate, had also revealed why a prison had needed such violent ‘constraints’. Both parole officer & prison supervisor had vehemently opposed release as I was, ‘violent and extremely dangerous’. To whom was I a danger, exactly, turned out to be only the Chief Constable? This caused my swift release.
  3. That CCTV and more leaked 2009 Barry police station MAPPA level 3 category 3 data of Barbara Wilding’s conspiracy, to have me shot, is applied for to be disclosed at the ‘machine gun’ hearing on 24th January as it all identifies the original culprit’s nefarious conduct. 

‘Heroin’ to Alun Cairns MP & ‘Anthrax Spores’ to Rebecca Pow MP false Allegations

  • My Feb 19 release was due so police concocted reasons to stop my mail in and out of Cardiff & Parc prisons to protract time in prison and delay my civil claims. The ‘white powder’ found in my two MP letters had simply been remaining traces of toothpaste originally used for gluing exhibits on to my cell wall when originals had been stolen by my key liaison officer.

Further Deliberate Theft of my Possessions

Despite my pleadings and requests by parole staff G4S continues to refuse to return my wheel chair and legal papers as the latter is needed, of course, for my 10am 24th January 2020 civil court proceedings against both G4S and the South Wales Police. Today’s MG11 VPS written complaint to very patient South Wales police officers will, no doubt, end up in the police HQ shredder as did the ones, re police paint gun, to try and fool the 2010 jury!

Maurice J Kirk BVSc

source: https://www.mauricejohnkirk.com/2020/01/11/all-welcome-to-machine-gun-dolmans-solictors-fraud-exposure/

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Maurice Kirk: “South Wales Police Machine Gun Conspiracy to have me Shot” 04 January 2020 + archive

South Wales Police Machine Gun Conspiracy to have me Shot

by mauricekirky

to HM Min of Justice                                           case 1CF03361 etc
Data Access Unit Branston,
Burton on Trent                                                                  3rd Jan 2020South Wales Police FraudDear Sir/Madam,1.       Last year in the spring, again during the summer and yet again on release from prison, I have applied to you for my data withheld by South Wales Police & HM Prison Service.  2.       Both police and G4S Parc have also refused to release my papers in my prison cell and those in prison reception despite requests for your intervention under the relevant law.  
3.       Law courts in Wales act differently to what you may be accustomed to in England.  4.       I have had promises from both the prison and Parole Service (Wales) for their return but not even a written explanation as to why so, yet again, the police have caused confiscation of my legal papers relating to a 24th January 2020 hearing in Cardiff’s county court re police conspiracy to have me, first shot and when that failed, locked up for life in Ashworth by falsifying medical record and now imprisoned me on false criminal convictions and allegations that I had sent heroin to Alun Cairns MP and anthrax to Rebecca Pow MP.5.       New medical evidence is now withheld by both G4S and Chief Constable of South Wales Police, required for the 24th hearing achieved due to the extraordinary density of liars found within the welsh criminal and civil justice systems. It’s known as inherent deceit.  6.       It will, no doubt, be of no surprise to you that the series of welsh judges all refuse to assist or allow the ‘dirty linen’ being put out to dry in an alternative court in England.  7.       I request that you send me full records of my correspondence with your M of J department with explanation for the judge as to why nothing has been forthcoming.  Yours truly,  Maurice J Kirk BVScCc Court & Parole instantly as I used MAPPA bugged South Wales Police laptop.
mauricekirky | January 4, 2020 at 11:19 am
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Maurice Kirk: Welsh Police MAPPA Machine gun, Heroin and Anthrax to MPs Conspiracies before 24th Jan 2020 Cardiff County Court 31/12/2019 + archive inc. phone calls HMP Parc etc.

Welsh Police MAPPA Machine gun, Heroin and Anthrax to MPs Conspiracies before 24th Jan 2020 Cardiff County Court 31/12/2019

by mauricekirky

Clerk to HM Cardiff Crown                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           Wales

  31st December 2019

Dear Madam,

Outdated and unlawfully obtained Restraining Orders to be Struck Out

  1. In order for a ‘restraining order’ to be considered by a Cardiff Crown Court judge, for ‘strike out’ due to startling new evidence further supporting my family’s view, both Cardiff judges, Richard Thomlow and Paul Thomas are flagrant liars, a ‘signed statement’ has to be first obtained. I am now told, from the alleged ‘victim(s)’ identified or not on the court order!
  • Successive 9 Park Street, Cardiff, Park Chambers HM prosecutors have consistently lied before courts to avoid disclosing evidence ‘restraining orders’ were even ever served!
  • If so then when, where, by whom and where are the records that ‘service’ was procured  right now  as needed for your scandalous 24th January 2020 county court machine gun conspiracy hearing  to be yet another predicted  court farce to  start a new year?
  • If and when previous ‘restraining orders’ were then challenged by the victim(s), opposing or not opposing for their ‘variation’ or ‘strike out’, then why was I denied the facts for RCJ?
  • Again it appears to be the same prosecutors that have refused to allow ‘disclosure’ of relevant evidence for fear my last 5 years  incarceration may be overturned  to appropriate 27 years of compensation, instead, for being unable to practice or be a commercial pilot?
  •  Who is ultimately responsible for my G4S foul conditions in a gaol of depravity specifically designed to subject my brain to months of foul illiterate language by drug or alcohol damaged locals throwing their buckets of foul urine under my prison cell door and smearing human faeces over my bed bribed to break me. You lot again seem to forget, I am English.
  • Is there a judge in Wales prepared to break custom and address the subject of police failed disclosure of evidence hidden in 27 years  of concocted PII andMG6D Taffia devil worship?

Yours truly,

Maurice J Kirk BVSc

Copy to RCVS and CAA

……………………………………………………………………………..

Maurice Kirk: South Wales Police Struck out failed Convictions 20 Dec. 2019 + archive

South Wales Police Struck out failed Convictions

by mauricekirky

Further to my previous complaints re welsh judiciary I thought it helpful to list a sample of other undisputed facts covered up by co-conspirators on their ‘gravy train’ fast running out of track had it not been for Brexit now blocking us both from the protection of Strasbourg and Code Napoleon law.

  1. Failed prosecution of me following an ex police Cardiff Crown Court officer had deliberately pushed me down a flight of court stairs breaking my leg. This was clearly on court instructions in order to stop my appeal papers from being filed in HM Royal Courts of Justice.
  2. Another arrest, whilst attending an appointment, this time with Dr Gaynor Jones in the Caswell Clinic’s Glanrhyd Hospital. Appoint because of Cardiff Crown Court’s specific order for the immediate release of my favourable medical records held by the forensic consultants
  3. It was Taffia’s last ditch attempt to stop their fast approaching ‘machine gun’ jury trial, from which I have the transcript for you, for my Ashworth’s high security psychiatric hospital incarceration, for life, instead of their mere ‘gun’ conspiracy for a10 year prison term.
  4. Failed prosecutions claims, also struck-out by my 24th Jan 2020 ‘machine gun’ hearing judge included at least 3 drink/drive related malicious arrests always all abusing 1984 PACE law.
  5. A failed concocted conviction, concerning a ‘racially aggravated’, also springs to mind as if 27 years of insult and injury to an Englishman was not enough. I had caught another urchin, this time of an ethnic deviant, stealing from my property. I was the one, of course, arrested!
  6. This judge now refuses to recuse himself from this incestuous affair after finally getting me out of Wales but without my wife, daughter and almost sanity. Such is the spite towards the English so these far from exhaustive examples to my new MP is my way of request for searching questions, please, into the welsh authorities’ conduct frantic for judicial autonomy.

Yours sincerely, 

Maurice J Kirk BVsc

Ps Please can I have my complaint documents to you before police confiscate those as well?

source:   https://mauricejohnkirk.com/2019/12/19/south-wales-police-struck-out-failed-convictions/

Archive continueshttps://www.butlincat.com/?s=maurice+kirk

Maurice’s site is https://www.mauricejohnkirk.com

Email:  maurice@kirkflyingvet.com

Above: pic from late January 2018…3 weeks approx. later Maurice was to undergo 2 years in prison…which saw a new norm for hostilities…

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Maurice Kirk: Hearing at Cardiff Civic Centre 24 Jan. 2020 + archive 22 Jan. 2020

Come to Cardiff’s ‘Cacophony of Crime’ County Court on 24th

I was on remand in prison for ‘trading in machine guns’ only to receive a Cardiff County Court Judgement that I had won £50,000 from H for ‘False Imprisonment’.

The liars in Cardiff overturned the judgment saying someone on the public counter in court had possible failed to serve the summons but the police had received theirs, strangely! As with the 40 odd wins in the Cardiff corrupt criminal courts, in one of my many claims against Cardiff’s corrupt authorities, I was also refused the cash at the public counter or even for the court fee back!!. Then I was banned from the counter for 10 years with their deceitful regime not even reembursing me for any of the 9 years costs incurred when winning over 1oo criminal allegations.

The police/judges/prisons/Dolmans, solicitors joint multimillion fraud, that oozed out of all this welsh evilness, culminated in a black mailed doctor to knowingly write a sequence, against his wishes, of unqualified false reports that I was so seriously brain damaged I had to be locked away for life (for police to avoid the 14 damages claims, costing to date, in over two million pounds].

I enclose with invitation for you to attend yet another iniquitous court hearing of deceit some of the key documents to be quickly shredded by Judge Keiser QC…later or see facebook etc or tel 07708586202

Chris Daw QC takes Machine Gun Conspiracy Instructions Again

Just where did my full £5000 go to as nothing was done in my direction by way of either legal advice supplied or any court representation?

I have just been released from a vindictive two year prison term protracted only by further South Wales Police fictitious malicious criminal prosecutions. The lying Welsh judge, Tracy Lloyd Clarke, even boasted she did not have ‘the power’ for an outside police force, GMC or CPS obtaining the unlawfully withheld, by the police, MG6D, PII and MAPPA favourable evidence. Such is the state of the welsh courts for an Englishman so stupid to have crossed the bridge in the first place [see 17th Dec 2017 Cardiff Crown Court page 12C of official transcript].

None of your lot answered either Sabine McNeill’s or my communications or turned up to my Crown Court sentencing’ or clandestine ‘machine gun’ conspiracy 1CF03361 civil court hearings re scheduled for this Friday when knowing I would, again, not be allowed to attend.

Not only does Holborn Adams, solicitors,   https://www.holbornadams.com/team/chris-daw-qc/  refuse to return my brief with promised copies of the two meetings nor will the South Wales Police even allow G4S HMP Park to return any of my legal papers for this Friday’s further bloody nonsense despite promises from my parole officers, prison police liaison officers and Uncle John Copley and all. 

Into Africa?

My complaint to the Law Society, again about these lawyers, is a  fraudulent ‘set up, https://www.holbornadams.com/team/chris-daw-qc/  who will not confirm, again, if they will turn up to court, this time on Friday 24th Jan 2020 at 10am for 1CF03361 Cardiff County Court’s hearing. You will recall the solicitors had eagerly snatched my money but failed to attend either the criminal or civil court hearings without any explanation!

I ask for your help again to find me anyone to represent me on 24th January as I no longer have I the mental capacity after 28  years in the stench of welsh court rooms and G4S ‘beat-up’ when so violently ejecting me from HMP Park, Bridgend, simply to show off to the prisoners and steal all my legal papers. G4S refuse to hand over, as promised, after a 6 week hunger strike for them,  either machine gun conspiracy data or even more urgently, Caswell clinic, Glanrhyd Hospital  MAPPA3/3 fanciful medical evidence as it would clear my name to be restored to the veterinary register.

maurice@kirkflyingvet.com or Tel. 07708586202

South Wales Police Machine Gun Fraud reliant on False Medical Records

Claimant’s ‘Position Statement’ for 24th January 2020 Cardiff’s Civil Claim Hearing

1. On violent ejection from prison, by no less than eight G4S staff only acting under orders, he has a chance to see the official transcript revealing not just deceitful conduct by 2009 prosecutor, Richard Thomlow, throughout a near three week criminal trial transcript all read now for deliberate deceit by presiding judge, Paul Thomas, yet another wicked man hell bent on hiding the truth that the conspiracy had been originally based on fictitious unqualified medical reports obtained by police blackmail.

2. The proposed trial judge for the 1CF03361 civil claim trial for compensation, HHJ Keiser QC, appears to be no different, of course, to the past 17 judges so far in Cardiff, that have managed to cover-up this high level of deceit metered out by police HQ, prosecuting lawyers, prison and parole staff all in on the act . Read it on the official trial transcript.

3. In this past week, for example, the Claimant has travelled the length and breadth of England, well over one thousand miles for witnesses but not Wales, of course, as it is far too dangerous to enter for fear of yet another arrest on spurious grounds yet again.

4. Claimant’s gathered statements, of the first time, already given to police post acquittal, for a post-trial investigation have not been seen or heard of again, surprise, surprise.

5. One witness repeats his statement identifying the ‘gun’ having been bought from Claimant as all ‘black’ to be partly paint ‘silver’ only for it to be returned post-trial a third colour!

6. Another confirms the ‘gun’ in trial’ was brought into court each day by one policeman with it over his shoulder to 2nd week needing armed three police using a locked box to transport it!

7. Another witness again confirms he and his wife had been interviewed under police caution for ‘being in possession’ of a prohibited weapon contrary to s. 5 of the 1968 firearms Act.

8. Interesting, when you consider both he and his wife then gave prosecution evidence against the Claimant, facing a 10 year mandatory prison term, despite the South Wales Police having already known from the English police that the ‘gun’ was entirely a lawful possession.

9. Welsh police even knew Caswell clinic’s Glanrhyd Hospital staff, bar one, had confirmed Claimant displayed no traits of ‘Paranoid Delusional Disorder’ nor was he any danger to the general public or to himself as leaked in June 2009 MAPPA minutes. He was only a ‘serious risk’ to the then Chief Constable, very wicked Barbara Wilding, with her pet ‘shoot to kill’ policy as tested on attempting to ‘snatch’ our, then, 10 year old daughter, Genevieve.

Maurice J Kirk BVSc 19thJanuary 2020
mauricejohnkirk.com

Invite to 24th Jan South Wales Police Fraud/Machine Gun Hearing

2009 Extract of T20097445 Machine Gun Jury Trial

His Honour Judge Thomas: “Mr Kirk, I’ve had a letter this morning from Mr Werren, again about the medical notes. This seems to be in relation to an ENT appointment in Bristol. Am I right about that?”

Mr Kirk: “I, during around about August, paid money to make the Caswell Clinic release my psychiatric records for my legal advisers. They have deliberately withheld the important psychiatric reports that relate to their attempts to have me sectioned under 37/41 to serve an indeterminate prison sentence at a high security prison in order to prevent this case from progressing and the civil action from progressing”.

“Now, in law the Caswell Clinic, Dr xxxxxxxxx, he will be one of my witnesses later, should have released the medical records to my solicitor in, in Yorkshire. He used to be our local Member of Parliament in the Vale of Glamorgan, a grumpy old sod, ideal for the, our next Home Secretary,incidentally. I am not employing him because he refuses to charge a penny whenever I seek legal advice. So I’m pursuing it through this Court that the report by professor Roger Wood seriously affected the psychiatric report that the Royal College are using to overturn
a £1 million action in the local Court here that is on a deadline of 4:30 this afternoon”.

“The report is that His Honour Judge, is it Mr Judge North? North, I think it was, but you would know who he is, has said that if I do not produce a psychiatric report to show that I am fit to conduct the prosecution against the Royal College and South Wales Police in the civil action, I have all the papers with me, they, the, the Reliance are refusing to produce my
papers for the fourth day, which is another matter …

His Honour Judge Thomas: “You’ve got the papers with you, haven’t you, now?” NO.

FOR FRAUD TRANSCRIPT ring me on 07708586202 or maurice@kirkflyingvet.com

ALL the posts above from https://www.mauricejohnkirk.com

Archive here continueshttps://www.butlincat.com/?s=maurice+kirk

Maurice’s site is https://www.mauricejohnkirk.com

Email:  maurice@kirkflyingvet.com

 

Maurice Kirk: “10th Jan 2020 Complaint against HMP Parc South Wales G4S Staff” 12 Jan. 2010 + archive

All Welcome to Machine Gun Dolmans Solictors’ Fraud Exposure

10th Jan 2020 Complaint against HMP Parc South Wales G4S Staff

I, Maurice John Kirk, file complaints against HMP Parc, Bridgend, G4S custody staff for their seriously inflicting injuries, harassment and false imprisonment to cause numerous thefts of my possessions.

Serious Assaults                                                                                                               

 Incident 1900418801

  1. After my Feb 2019 unlawful ‘recall’ to prison from a Cardiff parole hostel I was assaulted on numerous occasions in Parc prison with one incident already reported over the ‘floor buffer’  on A2 wing. All required medical attention and captured on CCTV & body cameras. 
  2. The 2nd filmed significant assault was in June 2019 when I was forcibly removed from my 2nd missing wheel chair by unnecessary force from seven officers carrying me back to B block.
  3. The 3rd main incident was in Nov 2019 when I was snatched from my cell by unprovoked excessive force using no less than eight G4S officers using handcuffs on my wrists behind my back. This deliberate pain was inflicted continued from B wing to the main gate where I was ‘released’ for Bristol Royal Infirmary attention. This included x-rays due to my hip prosthesis having suffered partial subluxation of my hip joint and prescription analgesics for a month.
  4. The incidents have left me feeling severely intimidated, vulnerable and in constant pain.

Deliberate False Forensic History Yet Again

  1. In Sept & Dec18 G4S had inadvertently released Caswell Clinic medical data by fabricated police criminal convictions including ‘child abuse’, ‘firearms’, ‘narcotics’, ABH and ‘FTA’.
  2. Oct 19 HM Parole Board hearing, with evidence from a retired magistrate, had also revealed why a prison had needed such violent ‘constraints’. Both parole officer & prison supervisor had vehemently opposed release as I was, ‘violent and extremely dangerous’. To whom was I a danger, exactly, turned out to be only the Chief Constable? This caused my swift release.
  3. That CCTV and more leaked 2009 Barry police station MAPPA level 3 category 3 data of Barbara Wilding’s conspiracy, to have me shot, is applied for to be disclosed at the ‘machine gun’ hearing on 24th January as it all identifies the original culprit’s nefarious conduct. 

‘Heroin’ to Alun Cairns MP & ‘Anthrax Spores’ to Rebecca Pow MP false Allegations

  • My Feb 19 release was due so police concocted reasons to stop my mail in and out of Cardiff & Parc prisons to protract time in prison and delay my civil claims. The ‘white powder’ found in my two MP letters had simply been remaining traces of toothpaste originally used for gluing exhibits on to my cell wall when originals had been stolen by my key liaison officer.

Further Deliberate Theft of my Possessions

Despite my pleadings and requests by parole staff G4S continues to refuse to return my wheel chair and legal papers as the latter is needed, of course, for my 10am 24th January 2020 civil court proceedings against both G4S and the South Wales Police. Today’s MG11 VPS written complaint to very patient South Wales police officers will, no doubt, end up in the police HQ shredder as did the ones, re police paint gun, to try and fool the 2010 jury!

Maurice J Kirk BVSc

sourcehttps://www.mauricejohnkirk.com/2020/01/11/all-welcome-to-machine-gun-dolmans-solictors-fraud-exposure/

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Maurice Kirk: “South Wales Police Machine Gun Conspiracy to have me Shot” 04 January 2020 + archive

South Wales Police Machine Gun Conspiracy to have me Shot

by mauricekirky

to HM Min of Justice                                           case 1CF03361 etc
Data Access Unit Branston,
Burton on Trent                                                                  3rd Jan 2020

South Wales Police Fraud

Dear Sir/Madam,

1.       Last year in the spring, again during the summer and yet again on release from prison, I have applied to you for my data withheld by South Wales Police & HM Prison Service.  

2.       Both police and G4S Parc have also refused to release my papers in my prison cell and those in prison reception despite requests for your intervention under the relevant law.  
3.       Law courts in Wales act differently to what you may be accustomed to in England.  

4.       I have had promises from both the prison and Parole Service (Wales) for their return but not even a written explanation as to why so, yet again, the police have caused confiscation of my legal papers relating to a 24th January 2020 hearing in Cardiff’s county court re police conspiracy to have me, first shot and when that failed, locked up for life in Ashworth by falsifying medical record and now imprisoned me on false criminal convictions and allegations that I had sent heroin to Alun Cairns MP and anthrax to Rebecca Pow MP.

5.       New medical evidence is now withheld by both G4S and Chief Constable of South Wales Police, required for the 24th hearing achieved due to the extraordinary density of liars found within the welsh criminal and civil justice systems. It’s known as inherent deceit.  

6.       It will, no doubt, be of no surprise to you that the series of welsh judges all refuse to assist or allow the ‘dirty linen’ being put out to dry in an alternative court in England.  

7.       I request that you send me full records of my correspondence with your M of J department with explanation for the judge as to why nothing has been forthcoming.  

Yours truly,  

Maurice J Kirk BVSc

Cc Court & Parole instantly as I used MAPPA bugged South Wales Police laptop.

mauricekirky | January 4, 2020 at 11:19 am
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Maurice Kirk: Welsh Police MAPPA Machine gun, Heroin and Anthrax to MPs Conspiracies before 24th Jan 2020 Cardiff County Court 31/12/2019 + archive inc. phone calls HMP Parc etc.

Welsh Police MAPPA Machine gun, Heroin and Anthrax to MPs Conspiracies before 24th Jan 2020 Cardiff County Court 31/12/2019

by mauricekirky

Clerk to HM Cardiff Crown                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           Wales

  31st December 2019

Dear Madam,

Outdated and unlawfully obtained Restraining Orders to be Struck Out

  1. In order for a ‘restraining order’ to be considered by a Cardiff Crown Court judge, for ‘strike out’ due to startling new evidence further supporting my family’s view, both Cardiff judges, Richard Thomlow and Paul Thomas are flagrant liars, a ‘signed statement’ has to be first obtained. I am now told, from the alleged ‘victim(s)’ identified or not on the court order!
  • Successive 9 Park Street, Cardiff, Park Chambers HM prosecutors have consistently lied before courts to avoid disclosing evidence ‘restraining orders’ were even ever served!
  • If so then when, where, by whom and where are the records that ‘service’ was procured  right now  as needed for your scandalous 24th January 2020 county court machine gun conspiracy hearing  to be yet another predicted  court farce to  start a new year?
  • If and when previous ‘restraining orders’ were then challenged by the victim(s), opposing or not opposing for their ‘variation’ or ‘strike out’, then why was I denied the facts for RCJ?
  • Again it appears to be the same prosecutors that have refused to allow ‘disclosure’ of relevant evidence for fear my last 5 years  incarceration may be overturned  to appropriate 27 years of compensation, instead, for being unable to practice or be a commercial pilot?
  •  Who is ultimately responsible for my G4S foul conditions in a gaol of depravity specifically designed to subject my brain to months of foul illiterate language by drug or alcohol damaged locals throwing their buckets of foul urine under my prison cell door and smearing human faeces over my bed bribed to break me. You lot again seem to forget, I am English.
  • Is there a judge in Wales prepared to break custom and address the subject of police failed disclosure of evidence hidden in 27 years  of concocted PII andMG6D Taffia devil worship?

Yours truly,

Maurice J Kirk BVSc

Copy to RCVS and CAA

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Maurice Kirk: South Wales Police Struck out failed Convictions 20 Dec. 2019 + archive

South Wales Police Struck out failed Convictions

by mauricekirky

Further to my previous complaints re welsh judiciary I thought it helpful to list a sample of other undisputed facts covered up by co-conspirators on their ‘gravy train’ fast running out of track had it not been for Brexit now blocking us both from the protection of Strasbourg and Code Napoleon law.

  1. Failed prosecution of me following an ex police Cardiff Crown Court officer had deliberately pushed me down a flight of court stairs breaking my leg. This was clearly on court instructions in order to stop my appeal papers from being filed in HM Royal Courts of Justice.
  2. Another arrest, whilst attending an appointment, this time with Dr Gaynor Jones in the Caswell Clinic’s Glanrhyd Hospital. Appoint because of Cardiff Crown Court’s specific order for the immediate release of my favourable medical records held by the forensic consultants
  3. It was Taffia’s last ditch attempt to stop their fast approaching ‘machine gun’ jury trial, from which I have the transcript for you, for my Ashworth’s high security psychiatric hospital incarceration, for life, instead of their mere ‘gun’ conspiracy for a10 year prison term.
  4. Failed prosecutions claims, also struck-out by my 24th Jan 2020 ‘machine gun’ hearing judge included at least 3 drink/drive related malicious arrests always all abusing 1984 PACE law.
  5. A failed concocted conviction, concerning a ‘racially aggravated’, also springs to mind as if 27 years of insult and injury to an Englishman was not enough. I had caught another urchin, this time of an ethnic deviant, stealing from my property. I was the one, of course, arrested!
  6. This judge now refuses to recuse himself from this incestuous affair after finally getting me out of Wales but without my wife, daughter and almost sanity. Such is the spite towards the English so these far from exhaustive examples to my new MP is my way of request for searching questions, please, into the welsh authorities’ conduct frantic for judicial autonomy.

Yours sincerely, 

Maurice J Kirk BVsc

Ps Please can I have my complaint documents to you before police confiscate those as well?

source:   https://mauricejohnkirk.com/2019/12/19/south-wales-police-struck-out-failed-convictions/

Archive continues: https://www.butlincat.com/?s=maurice+kirk

Maurice’s site is https://www.mauricejohnkirk.com

Email:  maurice@kirkflyingvet.com

Above: pic from late January 2018…3 weeks approx. later Maurice was to undergo 2 years in prison…which saw a new norm for hostilities…

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MUST SEE: Solicitor Anthony Bennett discusses police corruption and Operation Tiberius – Michael Barrymore – 20 Jan. 2020 VIDEO

Solicitor Anthony Bennett discusses police corruption and Operation Tiberius

William Ramsey Investigates

Source: https://www.spreaker.com/user/william…

Solicitor Anthony Bennett discusses police corruption and Operation Tiberius.

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The 3 charged with Daniel Morgan’s murder were acquitted and given 6 figure sums in compensation!

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-london-49180502

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Cadaver dogs are unreliable – Eugene Zapata

http://miscarriageofjustice.co/index.php?topic=10341.0

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